Retired Officer Oliver T Murdock was Killed in the City of Baltimore
29 November 1998
By Dan Thanh Dang
Police are seeking two men in a retired officer's killing. The victim was among three people fatally shot in the city on Friday, November 29, 1998. Baltimore police were searching yesterday for two unknown men in the fatal shooting of a retired city officer, who was killed in an apparent robbery outside his longtime West Baltimore home. The victim, Oliver T. Murdock, 73, was pronounced dead just before midnight Friday at Maryland Shock Trauma Center, about two hours after he was shot in the 2500 block of Riggs Ave., city homicide detectives said. Apparently unrelated shootings in the city earlier Friday left two men dead and one wounded, police said. About 9:50 p.m., Murdock and his 73-year-old wife Katherine were on their way home when two men approached them and demanded money. In a brief scuffle, one of the robbers shot Murdock, who managed to fire one round from the.38-caliber handgun he carried, police said. Katherine Murdock was not injured, and the assailants fled in a dark-colored pickup truck, police said. The gunfire shattered the quiet of the holiday weekend and left neighbors in mourning. 'I was watching 'A Miracle on 34th Street' on TV, and they had just decided Kriss Kringle was real when I heard the shot,' said Erika McAfee, 16, a close friend and neighbor of the Murdocks. 'I ran outside, and he was lying there on the ground. He was still talking, so I thought he was going to be OK. 'He was very well-loved and will be missed,' McAfee said. Murdock was born and raised in Baltimore. He moved to Riggs Avenue 46 years ago and quickly made a name for himself. Longtime friends and family members described him as a gregarious and kind man who gave back to the community and served as a grandfather figure for many young children in the area. Assigned to the Southern District, Murdock retired after nearly three decades in the Police Department, then worked as a security officer for the National Security Agency for more than 18 years and, later, as a master plumber. He helped neighbors with plumbing problems, drove senior citizens on daily errands, and also volunteered at the Central Rosemont Recreation Center to create the 'Sugar and Spice Beauty Pageant' for local children in recent years. 'They weren't just your neighbors,' said McAfee's mother, Vada McAfee, 42. 'They became our family members. Pop was always helping people. It's really, really just a great loss.' Murdock's death left many concerned for their safety in the normally quiet neighborhood, which has many elderly residents. 'This entire block is mostly people who moved here when my father did,' said Dorolie Murdock Sewell, 52, the retired officer's daughter. 'They're left unprotected. My father would be very worried about that. He tried to look after everybody.' The Fraternal Order of Police and Metro Crime Stoppers offered a combined $4,000 reward for anyone with information leading to the arrest and conviction of the assailants. 'This is a man who put in 27 years in the police department and survived the streets,' said homicide detective Homer Pennington, who is leading the investigation. 'And then he becomes a victim of a robbery. It's a shame.' In two other shootings Friday, two men were wounded, one fatally, in the 100 block of N. Poppleton St. about 5:30 p.m. by a man who walked up to them and opened fire. One victim, Franswan Opi, 27, was released after hospital treatment. Police said they did not know the name of the other man, who was pronounced dead at Shock Trauma. Police found Curtis Lamont Haynes, 38, of the 4200 block of Massachusetts Ave. lying wounded about 10:15 p.m. in the 200 block of McCurley St. in Southwest Baltimore. He had been shot several times and was pronounced dead at Shock Trauma.
If you have copies of your Baltimore Police Department class photo, pictures of our officers, vehicles, equipment, newspaper articles relating to our department and/or officers, old departmental newsletters, lookouts, wanted posters, or brochures, information on deceased officers, and anything else that may help preserve the history and proud traditions of this agency, please contact retired detective Kenny Driscoll.
Please contact Det. Ret. Kenny Driscoll if you have any pictures of you or your family members and wish them remembered here on this tribute site to honor the fine men and women who have served with honor and distinction at the Baltimore Police Department. Anyone with information, photographs, memorabilia, or other "Baltimore City Police" items can contact Ret. Det. Kenny Driscoll at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.Follow Follow us on Twitter @BaltoPoliceHist, like us on Facebook or mail pictures to 8138 Dundalk Ave., Baltimore, Md. 21222
David Marshall Simmons August 11, 1958 — October 27, 2023
David Marshall Simmons, aged 65, of Glen Burnie, passed away on October 27, 2023, leaving behind a legacy of devotion and love as a son, husband, father, grandfather, and friend. He is survived by his beloved wife, Sandi; his dear father, Walter Simmons; his devoted sons, Daniel and Cody Simmons; his loving stepson, William Casanova; his loving daughters-in-law, Kayla Simmons and Elizabeth Casanova; and his cherished grandchildren, Damian, Julie, Ava, and Isabelle Simmons. He was preceded in death by his mother, Alice Simmons.
Born in Washington, DC, Dave's journey began with promise and determination. He graduated from Springbrook High School in 1976, where he showcased his talents on the cross country, track, and wrestling teams. His exceptional driving skills led him to become a respected driver's education instructor during his high school years. In 1980, he began his career by graduating from the police academy. Dave earned a Bachelor's in Science in 1997 from UMBC, Magna Cum Laude, while working full-time for the department. His dedication led him to be inducted into both the Phi Kappa Phi Honor Society and Pi Sigma Alpha, the National Political Science Honors Society, in 1994.
For over four decades, Dave served the Baltimore City Police Department with unwavering commitment and distinction until his retirement in 2020. Throughout his illustrious career, he embodied honor, integrity, and humility as he selflessly dedicated himself to serving the citizens of Baltimore. Dave's exceptional service was recognized through numerous accolades and achievements, including being named Officer of the Month in 1984 and receiving the Community Service Award for his exemplary work with the Northwest Citizens Patrol in 1988. In 1997, he was proudly bestowed with the title of police agent and nominated for the Evening Sun's Officer of the Year Award in 1988. Additionally, Dave received the Baltimore Ravens Tip of the Wing Award in 1999, further exemplifying his commitment to his role. Throughout his career, Dave served in various capacities, including assignments to patrol the Northwest District, work as a detective in the Internal Affairs Unit, roles within the Traffic Unit, and Overtime Unit. In addition to his primary duties, he readily volunteered for additional responsibilities, such as serving with the Northwest Citizen Patrol, contributing to Raven command posts during significant events, and demonstrating his commitment as part of the police auxiliary during the riots of 2015. Dave was a proud member of FOP Lodge #3, solidifying his bond with fellow officers in a fraternity built on shared experiences and dedication to their calling.
Forever imbued with a spirit of generosity and devotion to not only his profession but also his community, Dave's commitment extended beyond his uniform. He willingly dedicated his time and energy to coaching his sons' baseball and basketball teams, nurturing the growth and potential of young athletes. An eloquent speaker, Dave passionately presented numerous seminars on domestic violence against women, seeking to raise awareness and effect positive change in society's attitude towards this pressing issue.
Dave had a zest for life that encompassed various interests and hobbies. His love for reading and history, particularly the Civil War, provided him with countless hours of intellectual fulfillment. Exploring outdoor activities such as biking, hiking, and kayaking allowed him to connect with nature's beauty while maintaining an active lifestyle. To know Dave was to experience a profound sense of love and warmth. His presence exuded genuine kindness, and his infectious smile brightened the lives of all those he encountered. Whether it was his endearing gestures of pointing in agreement or approval, hearty laughter that accompanied shared humor, or a simple thumbs-up signifying culinary delight, Dave possessed an indescribable ability to infuse joy into every interaction. His remarkable character and unwavering authenticity endeared him to all who had the privilege of calling him a friend. Dave's memory will forever be cherished by his loving family.
Family and friends may gather at Singleton Funeral & Cremation Services, PA, Glen Burnie, on Friday, Nov. 3rd, from 2–4 and 6–8 PM. A Celebration of Life service will be held on Saturday, Nov. 4th at 10:30 AM in the funeral home chapel. Interment to follow at Dulaney Valley Memorial Gardens
POLICE INFORMATION
If you have copies of: your Baltimore Police Department class photo, pictures of our officers, vehicles, equipment, newspaper articles relating to our department and/or officers, Old Departmental Newsletters, Lookouts, Wanted Posters, and or Brochures. Information on Deceased Officers and anything that may help Preserve the History and Proud Traditions of this agency. Please contact Retired Detective Kenny Driscoll.
This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
NOTICE
How to Dispose of Old Police Items
Please contact Det. Ret. Kenny Driscoll if you have any pictures of you or your family members and wish them remembered here on this tribute site to Honor the fine men and women who have served with Honor and Distinction at the Baltimore Police Department. Anyone with information, photographs, memorabilia, or other "Baltimore City Police" items can contact Ret. Det. Kenny Driscoll at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. follow us on Twitter @BaltoPoliceHist or like us on Facebook or mail pics to 8138 Dundalk Ave. Baltimore Md. 21222
Some Gave All; A History of Baltimore Police Killed in the Line of Duty 1808-2007
978-0-9635159-5-7
2009
Parsons, George P. Jr.
Passing the Baton
978-1-4251-8387-3
2017
Phelan-Eilerman, Mary
Tenley's Magic Thumb
13-1-985017641
1990
Reintzell, John F.
The Police Officers Guide to Survival, Health and Fitness
0-398-05711-7
2018
Reintzell, John F.
Charm City Cop; Life and Times of Steve Tabeling
978-1-532056505
No Date
Riddick, John
Life in Black and White
None
No Date
Riddick, John
The Boogeyman of Baltimore
None
2009
Rosado, Jose A.
THUGS Amoung Us
978-1-4389-5703-6
2011
Sewell, Kelvin / Janis, Stephen
Why Do We Kill?
None
2006
Shanahan, Daniel J.
Badges, Bullets, & Bars
1-42570963x
2020
Stout, P. M.
Baltimore Blue Bloods
979-8637795789
2013
Tabeling, Stephen / Janis, Stephen
You Can't Stop Murder: Truths about Policing in Baltimore and Beyond
None
2017
Tabeling, Stephen / Janis, Stephen
The Book of Cop; A Testament to Policing that Works
None
2013
Tomczak, Michael P.
Feasting with Franklin
None
2020
Tress, Samuel D.
The Art of Policing in Baltimore
979-8613521890
2016
Weinhold, Rob / Cowherd, Kevin
The Art of Crisis Leadership
978-1-62720-112-4
2021
Wilson, Bob
Twenty-Five Years with the Baltimore City Police Department from Behind the Badge
978-8788244754
2021
Wilson, Bob
The Baltimore Police Department: Those Were the Days
979-8481325837
2017
Wise, Wesley R.
A life in Blue
13-978-1508503583
2023
Wise, Wesley R.
Wise Musing: A Collection of Essays and Short Stories
13-979-8377164333
2014
Wise, Wesley R.
A Blue and White Life
978-1503266532
2022 Wilson, Bob My Memories of The Baltimore Police Department from Behind the Badge 2021 Wilson, Bob Growing Up in Dundalk in the 50s and 60s 2021 Wilson, Bob The Baltimore Police Department – Those Were the Days 979-8481925837
It revealed for the first time that Gray was placed in leg irons after an officer felt he was becoming "irate," that the van made several stops on its way to the police station, even stopping to pick up another prisoner in an unrelated case, after Gray had asked for medical attention several times.
Something must have happened between the time Gray was videotaped by a bystander being dragged into the van, and the time he arrived at the station in deep distress, the deputy commissioner said.
The handwritten report by the arresting officer says Gray "was arrested without force or incident," CBS News correspondent Chip Reid reported.
"When Mr. Gray was put in that van, he could talk, he was upset. And he was taken out of that van, he could not talk and he could not breathe," Rodriguez said.
Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake vowed to provide the community with all the answers.
Police Commissioner Police Commissioner Anthony Batts said he is ordering that police review and rewrite "effective immediately" its policies on moving prisoners and providing them with medical attention.
"We are a community on edge right now. We hear, I hear, the outrage. I hear the concern and I hear the fear," Batts said, asking for calm. "We are on edge as a city, and I need your help to make sure we get this out in the proper way."
All six officers involved have been suspended, said Rodriguez, who is in charge of the department's professional standards and accountability.
Officer Garrett Miller's official request for a criminal charge against Gray, a 25-year-old black man who was only 5-foot-8 inches tall and 145 pounds, said that he had been arrested "without force or incident."
Miller sought a charge of carrying a switchblade, punishable by a year in prison and a $500 fine, according to court records obtained Monday by The Associated Press.
Miller's charging document doesn't provide any explanations for the injuries that would lead to Gray's death a week later. He wrote only that while being taken to the station, on April 12, "the defendant suffered a medical emergency and was immediately transported to Shock Trauma via medic."
Another 30 minutes passed before police finally called an ambulance to pick Gray up at the station. He arrived at the hospital in critical condition and died on Sunday after a weeklong coma.
The documents, which misspell Gray's name as "Grey," were first reported Monday by The Baltimore Sun. Police had not previously mentioned a knife, or publicly disclosed the charge against Gray.
Miller's signed report says he personally recovered the knife from Gray's pocket. It names five other officers to be summoned as witnesses in court, and says Gray was stopped after a brief foot chase because he "fled unprovoked upon noticing police presence."
The Gray family's attorney, Billy Murphy, disputed the police timeline and said the injuries Gray suffered while in police custody were fatal. "His spine was 80 percent severed at his neck," Murphy said.
"We have no confidence that the city or the police department is going to fairly and objectively investigate this case," Murphy added.
CBS News reported earlier that Gray's lawyers accuse police of covering up what happened. They say police have video of the arrest itself, and accused the department of withholding it to hide the facts.
It revealed for the first time that Gray was placed in leg irons after an officer felt he was becoming "irate," that the van made several stops on its way to the police station, even stopping to pick up another prisoner in an unrelated case, after Gray had asked for medical attention several times.
Something must have happened between the time Gray was videotaped by a bystander being dragged into the van, and the time he arrived at the station in deep distress, the deputy commissioner said.
The handwritten report by the arresting officer says Gray "was arrested without force or incident," CBS News correspondent Chip Reid reported.
"When Mr. Gray was put in that van, he could talk, he was upset. And he was taken out of that van, he could not talk and he could not breathe," Rodriguez said.
Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake vowed to provide the community with all the answers.
Police Commissioner Police Commissioner Anthony Batts said he is ordering that police review and rewrite "effective immediately" its policies on moving prisoners and providing them with medical attention.
"We are a community on edge right now. We hear, I hear, the outrage. I hear the concern and I hear the fear," Batts said, asking for calm. "We are on edge as a city, and I need your help to make sure we get this out in the proper way."
All six officers involved have been suspended, said Rodriguez, who is in charge of the department's professional standards and accountability.
Officer Garrett Miller's official request for a criminal charge against Gray, a 25-year-old black man who was only 5-foot-8 inches tall and 145 pounds, said that he had been arrested "without force or incident."
Miller sought a charge of carrying a switchblade, punishable by a year in prison and a $500 fine, according to court records obtained Monday by The Associated Press.
Miller's charging document doesn't provide any explanations for the injuries that would lead to Gray's death a week later. He wrote only that while being taken to the station, on April 12, "the defendant suffered a medical emergency and was immediately transported to Shock Trauma via medic."
Another 30 minutes passed before police finally called an ambulance to pick Gray up at the station. He arrived at the hospital in critical condition and died on Sunday after a weeklong coma.
The documents, which misspell Gray's name as "Grey," were first reported Monday by The Baltimore Sun. Police had not previously mentioned a knife, or publicly disclosed the charge against Gray.
Miller's signed report says he personally recovered the knife from Gray's pocket. It names five other officers to be summoned as witnesses in court, and says Gray was stopped after a brief foot chase because he "fled unprovoked upon noticing police presence."
The Gray family's attorney, Billy Murphy, disputed the police timeline and said the injuries Gray suffered while in police custody were fatal. "His spine was 80 percent severed at his neck," Murphy said.
"We have no confidence that the city or the police department is going to fairly and objectively investigate this case," Murphy added.
CBS News reported earlier that Gray's lawyers accuse police of covering up what happened. They say police have video of the arrest itself, and accused the department of withholding it to hide the facts.
Activists protesting excessive use of force and even Baltimore city officials say they have more questions than answers. About 50 people marched from City Hall to police headquarters Monday, carrying signs reading "Black lives matter" and "Jobs, not police killings." They unfurled a yellow banner reading "Stop police terror."
"This is just one of the most egregious cases I've ever seen," said Colleen Davidson of the Baltimore People's Power Assembly, which she said organized the rally at the request of Gray's family. "We felt the need to be out here and make it known that we will not stand and watch things like this happen."
Rodriguez said his investigators will hand everything they find over to the office of State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby by May 1. She too appealed Monday for anyone with information to contact her office.
"I can assure the public that my office has dedicated all its existing resources to independently investigate this matter to determine whether criminal charges will be brought," Mosby said.
BALTIMORE — A prisoner sharing a police transport van with Freddie Gray told investigators that he could hear Gray "banging against the walls" of the vehicle and believed that he "was intentionally trying to injure himself," according to a police document obtained by The Washington Post.
The prisoner was separated from Gray by a metal partition and could not see him. His statement is contained in an application for a search warrant, which is sealed by the court. The Post was given the document under the condition that the prisoner not be named because the person who provided it feared for the inmate’s safety. But the prisoner, Donta Allen, 22, later spoke to the media, including The Post, and allowed himself to be identified.
In a phone interview, Allen said he had been in the van with Gray and told police he heard “light banging.” He said the police report incorrectly characterized his statements to authorities and that he “never ever said to police that [Gray] was hurting himself.”
Allen, who is on probation for an armed robbery conviction, declined to comment further.
The document, written by a Baltimore police investigator, offers the first glimpse of what might have happened inside the van. It is not clear whether any additional evidence backs up the prisoner’s version, which is just one piece of a much larger probe.
Prosecutors on May 1 announced they had charged six officers in connection with Gray’s death. One officer faces a second-degree murder charge, three others are charged with manslaughter. The remaining two face charges including second-degree assault and misconduct in office.
Gray was found unconscious in the wagon when it arrived at a police station on April 12. The 25-year-old had suffered a spinal injury and died a week later, touching off waves of protests across Baltimore, capped by a riot Monday in which hundreds of angry residents torched buildings, looted stores and pelted police officers with rocks.
Police have said they do not know whether Gray was injured during the arrest or during his 30-minute ride in the van. Local police and the U.S. Justice Department both have launched investigations of Gray’s death.
Jason Downs, one of the attorneys for the Gray family, said the family had not been told of the prisoner’s comments to investigators.
“We disagree with any implication that Freddie Gray severed his own spinal cord,” Downs said. “We question the accuracy of the police reports we’ve seen thus far, including the police report that says Mr. Gray was arrested without force or incident.”
Capt. Eric Kowalczyk, chief spokesman for the Baltimore Police Department, declined to comment on the affidavit, citing the ongoing investigation. The person who provided the document did so on condition of anonymity.
The affidavit is part of a search warrant seeking the seizure of the uniform worn by one of the officers involved in Gray’s arrest or transport. It does not say how many officers were in the van, whether any reported that they heard banging or whether they would have been able to help Gray if he was seeking to injure himself. Police have mentioned only two prisoners in the van.
Baltimore Police Commissioner Anthony W. Batts has admitted flaws in the way officers handled Gray after they chased him through a West Baltimore housing project and arrested him. They said they later found a switchblade clipped to the inside of his pants. Batts has said officers repeatedly ignored Gray’s pleas for medical help and failed to secure him with a safety belt or harness in the back of the transport van.
Video shot by several bystanders has fueled the rage in West Baltimore. It shows two officers on top of Gray, putting their knees in his back, then dragging his seemingly limp body to the van as he cries out.
Batts has said Gray stood on one leg and climbed into the van on his own.
The van driver stopped three times while transporting Gray to a booking center, the first to put him in leg irons. Batts said the officer driving the van described Gray as “irate.” The search warrant application says Gray “continued to be combative in the police wagon.”
The driver made a second stop, five minutes later, and asked an officer to help check on Gray. At that stop, police have said the van driver found Gray on the floor of the van and put him back on the seat, still without restraints. Police said Gray asked for medical help at that point.
The third stop was to put the other prisoner into the van. The van was then driven six blocks to the Western District station. Gray was taken from there to a hospital, where he died April 19.
Batts has said officers violated policy by failing to properly restrain Gray. But the president of the Baltimore police union noted that the policy mandating seat belts took effect April 3 and was e-mailed to officers as part of a package of five policy changes on April 9, three days before Gray was arrested.
Gene Ryan, the police union president, said many officers aren’t reading the new policies — updated to meet new national standards — because they think they’re the same rules they already know, with cosmetic changes. The updates are supposed to be read out during pre-shift meetings.
The previous policy was written in 1997, when the department used smaller, boxier wagons that officers called “ice cream trucks.” They originally had a metal bar that prisoners had to hold during the ride. Seat belts were added later, but the policy made their use discretionary.
Ryan said that until all facts become clear, he “urged everyone not to rush to judgment. The facts as presented will speak for themselves. I just wish everyone would take a step back and a deep breath, and let the investigation unfold.”
The search warrant application says that detectives at the time did not know where the officer’s uniform was located and that they wanted his department-issued long-sleeve shirts, pants and black boots or shoes. The document says investigators think that Gray’s DNA might be found on the officer’s clothes.
Keith L. Alexander contributed to this report.
MARYLAND NEWS
Freddie Gray Investigation Complete, Turned Over To State's Attorney
APRIL 30, 2015 / 4:20 PM / CBS BALTIMORE
BALTIMORE (WJZ) —A major development in the investigation into the death of Freddie Gray.
Derek Valcourt has what city police had to say about their investigation into the death of Gray and what happens now.
This came as a surprise, police said they would not turn their information over to prosecutors until tomorrow.
Instead they moved a day early and though the report is not being made public right now, they did reveal some newly discovered information in the case.
Police Commissioner Anthony Batts announced a day early the long investigation into the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray -- after his April 12th arrest -- is now in the hands of Baltimore's recently elected top prosecutor Marilyn Mosby, who will determine whether police face charges.
"This does not mean that the investigation is over. If new evidence is found we will follow it. If new direction is given by the State's Attorney we will obey it," Batts said.
The critical question: what happened to Freddie Gray from the time he was loaded into the van to the time he arrived at the police station and was found not breathing, police already told us about the first the van stopped when the removed Gray, shackled his legs and put him back in. Now police reveal new information.
The van made another stop here near the intersection of Freedmont and Mosher.
"We discovered the new stop based on our thorough and comprehensive and ongoing review of all CC TV cameras and privately-owned cameras," Deputy Police Commissioner Kevin Davis said.
WJZ has learned that video came from security cameras at this privately-owned corner store.
The owner says the video wasn't picked up by police until Monday.
Part of the investigation will focus on this man -- and what he saw and heard WJZ's Mike Schuh is the first to speak with the man who says he was inside the police transport van with Gray for the last part of his ride.
Donta Allen tells WJZ he doesn't believe Gray was trying to hurt himself.
"When I was in the back of that van it did not stop or nothing. All it did was go straight to the station, but I heard a little banging, like he was banging his head," Allen said. " I didn't even know he was in the van until we got to the station."
The mayor says she's spoken with Gray's family about the investigation.
"The are not pushing for the release of the information, they're pushing for justice," Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake said.
The finding of the police investigation are no surprise to city state's attorney Mosby, who said in a statement:
"The State's Attorney's Office has in fact received the hard copies of the Baltimore Police Department's investigative file; however, the results of their investigation is not new to us. We have been briefed regularly throughout their process while simultaneously conducting our own independent investigation into the death of Freddie Gray. While we have and will continue to leverage the information received by the Department, we are not relying solely on their findings but rather the facts that we have gathered and verified. We ask for the public to remain patient and peaceful and to trust the process of the justice system."
What we haven't heard from Mosby is a timeline on when she expects to make a decision on whether the officers involved should face any charges.
It's possible that may not happen for weeks.
WJZ has learned that Gray's autopsy will be completed sometime today or tomorrow.
The autopsy report is expected to show that Gray died as a result of a traumatic injury to his spine.
The report also shows Gray suffered trauma to the back of his head.
The exact cause of death and manner of death will be released to the family sometime tomorrow.
Sometime early next week the completed results will be sent to the state attorney's office.
The Other Man In The Van With Freddie Gray Breaks His Silence
APRIL 30, 2015 / 8:05 PM / CBS BALTIMORE
BALTIMORE (WJZ ) -- From the beginning, the investigation into what killed Freddie Gray has centered on what happened inside the police transport van.
We knew there was another prisoner inside the van and tonight we hear from him.
WJZ's Mike Schuh is the first to speak with Donta Allen about what he heard.
"I am Donta Allen. I am the one who was in the van with Freddie Gray," Allen said.
The one who the police commissioner calls the second prisoner in the van.
"The second prisoner who was picked up said that he didn't see any harm done to Freddie at all," Commissioner Anthony Batts said. "What he has said is that he heard Freddie thrashing about."
But Allen wants to set something straight.
"All I did was go straight to the station, but I heard a little banging like he was banging his head," he said.
He tells WJZ he's angry about an internal police report published in The Washington Post.
"And they trying to make it seem like I told them that, I made it like Freddie Gray did that to his self (sic)," Allen said. "Why the [expletive] would he do that to his self (sic)?"
Allen was in the van because he allegedly stole a cigarette from a store on North Avenue.
He was never charged. Instead he was brought straight to the station.
"I talked to homicide. I told homicide the same story." Allen said.
A story he says is being distorted and now he fears being killed.
"I had two options today right, either come and talk to y'all and get my credibility straight with ya'll and not get killed by these [expletive] or not tell a true story," Allen added. "The only reason I'm doing this is because they put my name in a bad state."
His statements are included in a police report that was today turned over to the city state's attorney Marilyn Mosby.
Baltimore Officers Will Face No Federal Charges in Death of Freddie Gray
Six police officers will face no federal charges in the death of Freddie Gray. The officers are, top row from left, Caesar R. Goodson Jr., Garrett E. Miller and Edward M. Nero, and bottom row from left, William G. Porter, Brian W. Rice and Alicia D. White."
WASHINGTON — Six Baltimore police officers will face no federal charges in the death of Freddie Gray, the 25-year-old black man who died of a severe spinal cord injury while in custody, the Justice Department announced on Tuesday.
“After an extensive review of this tragic event, conducted by career prosecutors and investigators, the Justice Department concluded that the evidence is insufficient,” the department said in a statement, adding that it was unable to prove the officers “willfully violated Gray’s civil rights.”
The closure of the criminal civil rights investigation into Mr. Gray’s death, which prompted unrest in Baltimore, a predominantly black city, and a federal examination of its police department’s practices, means that no officers will be held criminally responsible in his death.
Mr. Gray was arrested in April 2015 and charged with illegal possession of a switchblade after running from officers. Following his arrest, he rode in a police van — shackled but unsecured by a seatbelt, as required by police department regulations — and was found unresponsive. He died the following week.
Six officers were charged by the Baltimore state’s attorney with crimes related to Mr. Gray’s death, including manslaughter and murder. All were cleared in those cases as well.
“At no time did we ever believe that there was evidence that any of the officers violated anyone’s civil rights or were guilty of violating any federal laws,” Michael E. Davey, a lawyer for the Baltimore Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 3, said in a statement on Tuesday.
In August, the Justice Department issued a blistering report detailing misconduct and the use of excessive force by the city’s Police Department, which is operating under a consent decree — a court-enforceable agreement to enact reforms — entered into during the Obama administration.
Attorney General Jeff Sessions has criticized such agreements, saying they vilify law enforcement and inhibit police officers trying to do their job. Mr. Sessions has called for a sweeping review of such consent decrees, and the Justice Department unsuccessfully sought to delay Baltimore’s implementation of its agreement to overhaul policing practices.
THE BALTIMORE POLICE CASE OF 1860 By H. H. WALKER LEWIS* 1966 Click HERE to see actual PDF
Recent events have given renewed currency to the hundred year old decision of the Court of Appeals in Baltimore v. State,' upholding the transfer of the Baltimore police to the control of the State. The legislation2 effecting this transfer was adopted February 2, 1860. Its passage occasioned an outcry from City Hall the like of which had not been heard since the days of the Sabine women. But the wails gained no sympathy from the courts. On March 13, 1860, the Act was upheld by the Superior Court of Baltimore City, and on April 17, by the Court of Appeals. No one would quarrel today with the principal holding of the case, that a municipality was legally a creature of the State and that the legislature had power to control its police and other functions. But the court hurdled other obstacles in a manner that seemed to demonstrate more agility than deliberation. Obviously, the circumstances exerted overwhelming compulsion. Indeed, the main interest of the case stems from its background. THE IMMIGRATION EXPLOSION After the dust had settled from the War of 1812, immigrants came pouring into the country in ever-increasing numbers, giving rise to problems that were in part religious, part economic, and part political. Many of the new arrivals were Roman Catholic, and in the areas of their greatest concentration they brought alarm to the established Protestant order. Some of the ministers reacted with vigor. Rather curiously, the most violent were those who were later to lead the abolitionist movement; for example, the Reverend Lyman Beecher of Boston, who became a leading abolitionist in his own right and sired Henry Ward Beecher, as well as Harriet Beecher Stowe, author of * A.B. 1925, Princeton; LL.B. 1928, Harvard; General Solicitor of C&P Telephone Company; Author, Without Fear or Favor (a biography of Chief Justice Roger B. Taney). 1. 15 Md. 376 (1860). 2. LAws or MD. ch. 7 (1860). See also LAWS oF MD. ch. 203 (1966) and LAWS or BALTIMORE ch. 526 (1949). MARYLAND LAW REVIEW Uncle Tom's Cabin. So loudly did Beecher thunder against what he called "the whoredom of Babylon" and the "foul beast of Roman Catholicism," that he is sometimes given credit for the anti-Catholic mob which raged through Boston for three days in 1829 and sacked the Ursaline Convent in neighboring Charlestown.' Baltimore also received its share of Irish Catholics, together with a multitude of Germans. Their descendants include many of our most substantial citizens, but in the 1840's their numbers caused consternation among the laboring and artisan classes with whom they came into competition. By 1850, some 135,000 foreigners had entered America through the port of Baltimore.4 Quite naturally, they liked the City, and at the time with which we are concerned they constituted a fourth of the total population. Politicians soon sponsored measures to curry their special favor. The most explosive was the Kerney bill of 1852 to provide public funds for the support of parochial schools. Protestants rose in their wrath and smothered the plan, but it highlighted the growing political power of what were then regarded as alien groups, and triggered a violent reaction among the natives. A rising spirit of intolerance spawned a political party and a spate of secret societies with such choice names as the Rip Raps, the Plug Uglies, the Wampanoags, and the Blood Tubs. Officially, they called their political organization the American Party, but the name by which they were better known reflected the answer they were sworn to give to questions about their societies: "I know nothing." THE GROWTH OF VIOLENCE AND THE INADEQUACY OF THE POLICE The Know Nothing societies operated with a violence that today seems incredible. In their more sporting moods, they fought with bricks and paving stones, of which the streets and sidewalks furnished a plentiful supply. Against serious opposition they used revolvers, sawed-off shotguns, and even small cannon. In their dealings with the voting public, or more correctly with the foreign-born public whom they aimed to keep non-voting, a mere show of force was usually sufficient to effect intimidation. But in their jurisdictional rivalries, their fighting became ferocious. Lest anyone doubt the vigor with which they expressed their differences of opinion, let him read Scharf's Chronicles of Baltimore in which some of these incidents are reported. For example: On the 12th of September [1856] a bloody and disgraceful riot took place at the Seventeenth Ward House, kept by James 3. See BEALS, BRASS KNUCKLE CRUSADE - THt GREAT KNow-NoTHING CONSPIRAcY: 1820-1860, at 25-36 (1960), for these quotations and events. 4. These and other facts relating to the Know Nothing movement in Baltimore are drawn primarily from two monographs: SCHMECKFBIER, HISTORY OF THE KNOW NOTHING PARTY IN MARYLAND 145 (Johns Hopkins University Studies in History and Political Science Series XVII Nos. 4-5, 1899); TUsKA, KNOW NOTHINGISM IN BALTIMORZ, 1854-1860, at 217 (Catholic History Review, vol. 5, 1925). 216 [VOL. XXVI BALTIMORE POLICE CASE Clark, on Light street, nearly opposite Warren. The house was attacked by the "Rip-Rap" and "Wampanoag" Clubs, and there commenced a bloody and desperate affray .... The streets where the contest took place presented the appearance as if cart-loads of bricks had been strewn about .... During the melee one man was killed and some twenty badly wounded, some of them fatally.5 During the 1840's and 1850's this form of exuberance was accepted as an inescapable adjunct of urban life, much as we today regard manslaughter and mayhem as inevitable by-products of the automobile. Volunteer fire companies had been fighting each other for years, and had recruited gangs of toughs for this express purpose. At first, no doubt, they did so in self-defense. Later the rougher elements took control, sounding false alarms and setting fires so that they could ambush their rivals in the streets. Scharf reports one of these intramural contests as follows: [O]n Saturday night, August 18th, 1855, ... the New Market fire company, in colleague with the United, had formed a plot whereby they designed giving the Mount Vernon Hook and Ladder company a severe thrashing, and accordingly the bell of the New Market sounded an alarm of fire at ten o'clock on that night, and the members ran with the apparatus in a northerly direction. Upon returning, the New Market fell in behind the Hook and Ladder. . . . They proceeded along Franklin street, until about midway between Howard and Eutaw streets, . . . the Hook and Ladder ahead and New Market following. At this juncture the United turned out of Eutaw street into Franklin, immediately in front of the Hook and Ladder company, and the onslaught commenced upon them from the front and rear. Pistols were fired, bricks thrown, and axes, picks and hooks used in the most desperate manner.... During the melee two men were mortally wounded and a greater number severely.6 The New Market fire company, which engineered this ambush in 1855, received its come-uppance a year later. This time it was not a mere firemen's frolic, but a battle with one of the Know Nothing gangs. This is how Scharf tells the story: About 12 o'clock [on Oct. 8, 1856] a desperate struggle took place between the "Rip-Rap" Club and the New Market Fire Company in the Lexington Market.... The firing was as regular as if it were by platoons. A great many persons were wounded and carried from the ground, and the drug shops near the scene of action were filled with the wounded and dying. The New 5. SCHARF, THE CHRONICLES ov BALTIMORZ 549 (1874). Considerable variation exists in the reports of casualties in these affrays. One suspects that the gangs liked to minimize their losses, and that the count of the dead was limited to the bodies left on the field of battle. The fatally injured who could get or be carried away were probably recorded in the vital statistics as victims of bad blood, lead poisoning, or what have you. 6. Id. at 548. 1966] MARYLAND LAW REVIEW Market Company were driven from the market-house and dispersed. Their engine-house was entered by the "Rip-Raps" and ... sacked. 7 At least four men are said to have been killed, over 150 wounded. Where, might we ask, were the police during these events? It would be more appropriate to ask, "What police?" In 1848 responsibility for the peace of Baltimore reposed in the High Constable, one regular and two special policemen for each ward, and the night watchmen, who carried large wooden rattles, like those that we sometimes see or hear at football games. When rotated these made an unearthly clatter, summoning help and at the same time deadening the footfalls of escaping miscreants.' The watchmen made their rounds much as they had in colonial days, crying the hours and obliging the citizenry with occasional weather reports, such as "Five o'clock, and raining." In 1843, newspapers complained that these public announcements of the whereabouts of the guardians of the law made life too easy for burglars, and the practice was discontinued. In 1857 the police were reorganized on a more modern footing, but the new men who were recruited to build up the force were drawn largely from the Know Nothing gangs and remained subservient to their old leaders. Indeed, the gangs had by this time attained such power as to defy restraint. The impotency of the police is summed up in a single statistic. In 1857 twenty-five arrests were made on the charge of shooting at police officers. No figures were given for the number of such shootings which did not result in arrests. THE DEATH OF FREE ELECTIONS The inability to protect life and limb was bad enough, but it was the election practices of the Know Nothings that triggered the transfer of the police to State control. Until 1865 voters were not registered.' Citizens merely lined up at the polling place and handed in their ballots. As each ward contained only one voting place, it would have been impossible for the election judges to know who was and was not entitled to vote, even had they desired to do so. And during the period we are considering, it is safe to say that few, if any, election judges had any such desire. This led to an interesting practice known as "cooping." For some days before an election, the stalwarts of the party in control of the ward would round up drunks and hoboes, or for that matter anyone they could intimidate, and imprison them in a convenient cellar, or 7. Id. at 549-50. 8. For these and other details of the Baltimore police, see generally Dt FRANCIS FOLSOM, OUR POLICE (1888); McCAs, HISTORY OP THE BALTIMORE POLICE DEPARTMENT, 1774-1909 (1910). See also FinY, R MINISCUNCZS or BALTIMORE (1893), an excellently written and illuminating local history by one who made his career in the Police Department and was its marshal. 9. See STEINER, CITIZENSHIP AND SUFFRAGE IN MARYLAND 21, 47 (1895), for the development of election practices in Maryland. [VOL. XXVI BALTIMORE POLICE CASE "coop," near the polling place. The victims were kept drunk or drugged until election day. Then they were formed into squads, armed with ballots, and marched to the polling place. If transportation was available, they would be taken to all the voting places which were manned by friendly election judges. Then the process would be repeated, the same individuals being voted many times during the course of the day. As a concession to election judges who might be inclined to be fastidious, the victims were sometimes forced to swap clothing between ballotings. Edgar Allan Poe's death is generally attributed to a "cooping." Passing through Baltimore a few days before the election of October 3, 1849, he had a drink with a friend and disappeared. On election day he was found lying near the Fourth Ward polling place at 44 E. Lombard Street, unconscious and in shoddy clothing not his own. He was taken to the Washington College Hospital (now the Church Home and Infirmary), where he died on October 7 without regaining coherence. 10 His "cooping," if such it was, is believed to have been the work of Whigs, but after the Know Nothings obtained dominance they adopted and expanded the practice. The Know Nothing "coops" added an extra feature. They used as guards friendly policemen who invoked the majesty of the law to keep the victims from escaping. The anonymity of the voters in the eyes of the election judges did not carry with it anonymity as to their voting intentions. The law required the use of ballots, and further required that they be folded so that they could not be read, but the political organizations printed their own and evaded secrecy by placing colored stripes on the backs. This device, also originally Whig, was appropriated by the Know Nothings, so that they could tell at a glance whether a prospective voter was with them or against them. All the Know Nothing gangs were adept at discouraging adverse voting, but the Blood Tubs made it their specialty. The name derived from their practice of placing large tubs of slaughterhouse blood outside the polling places, into which they dipped headfirst anyone having the temerity to approach the poll with a ballot of the wrong color. This proved especially persuasive with the Germans, who by and large were a peaceable lot and had little taste for blood. By means such as this, it did not take the Know Nothings long, once they acquired dominance, to dampen the election ardor of their opponents. At the City Council election of October 14, 1857, they virtually eliminated Democratic voting in all wards but the Irish Eighth, which they never succeeded in subduing." In the l1th, the Democrats polled only two votes; in the 14th, eight; in the 17th, ten; and in the 20th, one.' These token figures may have been designed to avoid the 10. Poe's whereabouts and activities immediately prior to his death are not known with certainty, and there may well have been exaggeration or untruth in the stories of his "cooping" and multiple voting. The known facts are detailed and analyzed in QUINN, EDGAR ALLAN POE, A CRITICAL BIOGRAPHY 637-40 (1941). 11. In those days the City went no farther north than Eager Street and was split into two main divisions by Jones Falls. The eighth ward was east of Jones Falls (now the Fallsway), between Hillen Street on the southeast and Eager Street on the north. 12. SCHARF, op. cit. sopra note 5, at 558. 1966] MARYLAND LAW REVIEW undesirability of recording zeroes, which would open the door to attack by individuals who could prove that they voted for the losers. Or they may have represented people whom the Know Nothing leaders had some special reason to treat with respect. Like all political parties, the Know Nothings liked to assert their respectability. They tried hard to get men of standing to head their tickets, and they preferred not to injure individuals whom they regarded as "genuine swells." For example, they admitted George William Brown and Severn Teackle Wallis to their polling places in 1859, while strong-arming away lesser members of the Reform party. THE KNOW NOTHING TAKE-OVER It was not until 1854 that the Baltimore Know Nothings put a ticket in the field. At the City election on October 11 of that year they elected the Mayor and a majority of both branches of the then bicameral City Council.' 3 The next year they gained control of thirteen of the twenty-one counties. They still were meeting strong competition, however, and in 1856 they undertook to suppress this by force. In the resulting election disorders, fourteen men were reported killed and hundreds wounded. In the process, they elected Thomas Swann Mayor of Baltimore. He had been president of the Baltimore & Ohio Rail Road and was later to be Governor of the State and a member of Congress. His standing and ability were such that many, including the Baltimore Sun, expressed confidence that he could bring the Know Nothing gangs under control. But although his administration brought other important benefits to the City, including the elimination of the volunteer fire companies, a reorganization of the police force, and the acquisition of Druid Hill Park, he was unable to bring about fair and open elections. Perhaps he did not really have his heart in this. He would not have been the first reformer, or the last, to compromise with his conscience with respect to election practices, on the theory that he could do more good in office than out of it, even if he had to cut corners to get there. The Democratic governor of the State, Thomas Watkins Ligon, attempted to get Mayor Swann to use the militia to quell election disorders and assure open voting. In 1857 Governor Ligon himself called out the militia. But the Mayor was not only uncooperative; he was adamantly opposed to any such plan, and denied the legal right of the Governor to invoke it. The Governor's power was indeed unclear. The statute expressly authorized the Mayor, the Judge of the Criminal Court, and the Judge of the Superior Court of Baltimore to call on the militia in order to maintain local peace, but it said nothing about the Governor's doing so. Accordingly, it was argued that this excluded the exercise of such power. Resort was had to the old game of getting prominent attorneys to express their opinions, and with the usual result. One long string of leading lawyers lined up behind the 13. SCHMECKZBI4R, op. cit. supra note 4, at 19, 29. [VOL. XXVI BALTIMORE POLICE CASE Governor, another behind the Mayor. The militia also exhibited great lack of enthusiasm for the Governor's call, and rather than risk further doubt and disorder he withdrew it. In the ensuing election, Democrats were so effectively barred from the polls that the Know Nothings swept the State, gaining control of the governorship as well as both houses of the State legislature. 4 One of the first acts of the new governor, Thomas Holliday Hicks of Dorchester County, and of the legislature was to publicly condemn Governor Ligon's efforts to intervene in the police or election affairs of the City of Baltimore. THE REFORM ASSOCIATION AND THE ELECTIONS OF 1859 Not all Baltimoreans were chicken. In 1858 a group of them organized the City Reform Association, declaring "their conviction that the only positive security . . . is the combined and resolute actions of the citizens themselves, within the limits of law." A guiding spirit in this was George William Brown, successful practicing lawyer, then aged 47, later to be Mayor of Baltimore and Chief Judge of the Supreme Bench. With him was Severn Teackle Wallis, four years younger and also destined for a long and distinguished career in the law. Two elections were due in the fall of 1859, one in October for the City Council, another in November for the State legislature and other offices. The Reform Association* girded for them, getting up slates of candidates, developing ward organizations, recruiting poll watchers, and sponsoring a mass meeting in Monument Square to whip up enthusiasm and support. The results were gratifying. On October 13, in spite of fraud and intimidation, they elected six of their candidates to the City Council."5 This was not sufficient to control the Council, but it was enough to arouse the Know Nothings, who organized a counter-demonstration the week before the November election. At this meeting, in Monument Square, their new weapon was officially unveiled. Some bright soul in Baltimore or elsewhere had discovered the perfect instrument with which to discourage voters, a shoemaker’s awl. It was cheap, easy to conceal and to use, excruciatingly painful to the victim, and non-lethal. Some enthusiasts strapped them to their knees, so as to puncture the backside of the victim by a simple move of the leg. Others favored manual operation, attaching the awl to a rubber band which would snap it up the sleeve after use. Both methods were admirably calculated to induce a distaste for voting. At the Know Nothing rally the Blood Tubs carried a sign, or transparency, portraying the head of a reformer streaming with blood. Others showed reformers being pursued with awls, and during the speeches a giant awl four feet long was conspicuously displayed over the speakers' platform. There was even a mobile blacksmith shop 14. Id. at 88. 15. Id. at 101. 1966] MARYLAND LAW REVIEW which busily manufactured and distributed awls during the course of the festivities. Henry Winter Davis, who has been called the greatest orator of his day, delivered the principal address. He flayed the reformers. It so happened that he belonged to a group of twelve lawyers, known as the Friday Club, which met once a month at each other's homes to read and discuss legal papers in convivial surroundings. Most, if not all, of the other members were leaders of reform, including George W. Brown, Severn Teackle Wallis, and Frederick W. Brune, Jr. So personal and scathing were Davis' remarks that the Club minutes for November, 1859, circumspectly record that "a correspondence took place between the Club and Mr. Davis, which resulted in his resignation."'" At the State election in November the Know Nothing gangs outdid themselves. The following descriptions are from the sworn testimony of witnesses at the later legislative investigation. WARD 10 Mr. S. Teackle Wallis testified: There was not, at any part of the time while I was there, free access to the window for all voters; ... there was a willful obstruction by a party of men not engaged in voting, who rallied under the cry of "Regulators," and came in a body from the house of Erasmus Levy, two doors south of the polls; about twenty minutes or a half an hour after the polls were opened, they were taken forcible possession of by the same party of rioters with a volley of bricks and a discharge of firearms; from that time until I left, no man was permitted access to the polls, except at the pleasure of the parties who had so taken possession of them .... The bricks were thrown and the firearms were discharged ...at and into the midst of the members of the Reform party, who were standing north of the window and on the sidewalk, and in the street near it; ...a gentleman standing by my side called my attention to the fact that a large portion of the bricks had been removed altogether from the sidewalk in front of the house, between Levy's and the polls; .. .Levy . . . came rushing out, at the head of a crowd, . . .crying out, "Wade in, Regulators, wade in, we will take the polls, God damn you," and phrases of similar character; for the moment the Reformers stood their ground, and then the party who had rushed out ... discharged a volley of bricks, and fired a considerable number of revolvers into the Reform party;... Mr. Weaver, the sexton of Christ Church, was struck by my side; the attack was so violent and so sustained; no interference made by the judges, and no policeman visible on the ground, that there was no alternative for the Reformers but to leave the ground or sacrifice their lives uselessly; . .. 16. The minute book of the Friday Club is at the Maryland Historical Society. 17. MARYLAND HOUSE DOCUMENTS, Doc. U. and MARYLAND SENATE DOCUMENTS, Doc. L, Papers in the Contested Election Case from Baltimore City 175-77 (1860). Severn Teackle Wallis, whose home and law office were at 37 St. Paul Street, had written the stirring Reform Address to the Citizens of Baltimore. W. C. BRUCE, [VOL. XXVI BALTIMORE POLICE CASE WARD 14 Mr. Charles D. Hinks, of the fourteenth ward, testified: Shortly after the polls opened . . . there was a discharge of firearms in the crowd, and I saw a man who, I understood, was called "Sonny White," fall mortally wounded; the firing was very rapid, and the crowd scattered; I saw Gregory Barrett draw his pistol and fire five times, but being intently engaged watching him, I did not see at whom his pistol was pointed; after he had discharged all the barrels of his pistol, he called for rifles; he and some of his party raved like madmen, swearing that they would kill the Reformers, and I heard McGonnigan, one of the Rip Raps, swear that no Reformer should vote; except over his dead body, this he said with horrid oaths and imprecations, which I do not care to repeat in giving testimony; . . WARD 15 Mr. George H. Kyle, of the fifteenth ward, testified: I went to the polls at half-past eight o'clock A.M., and was within two feet of the window; remained there about five minutes, with my brother. I had a bundle of tickets under my arm, and one man walked up to me and asked me what it was that I had. I told him tickets; he made a snatch at them, and I avoided him and turned round; as I turned, I heard my brother say, "I am struck, George!" At the same time I saw my brother raise his stick, and strike at someone; the same, I suppose, that had struck him; at that moment, I was struck from behind a severe blow on the back of the head, which would have knocked me down, but the crowd which had gathered round us, some thirty or forty in a cluster, was so dense that I was, as it were, kept up; after I received this blow I drew a dirk knife, which I had in my pocket, with which I endeavored to strike the man, who, as I supposed, had struck me, I then felt a pistol placed right close to my head, so that I felt the cold steel upon my forehead; at that moment, I made a little motion of my head, which caused the shot of the pistol to glance from my head; my hat showed afterwards the mark of a bullet, which I supposed to have been from that shot; the discharge of the pistol, which blew off a large piece of the skin of my forehead and covered my face with blood, caused me RECOLLECTIONS 138 (1936) said: "Not only was Wallis the most brilliant public speaker that I have ever known, but his mind was the most highly cultivated mind that was ever brought to my knowledge.... ." And at 145 the author further elaborated: "[Hie does not seem to me to have ever had his superior in the entire history of the Maryland Bar.... ." The eulogy goes on at 147: "He was a game cock to the last feather. When one of the most murderous desperadoes of the Know Nothing reign of Fraud and Violence urged him to leave the polls, where he had taken his post, as a watcher, saying that, if Wallis did not do so, even he would be unable to save Wallis' life, the only reply that he got was the cool reply: 'That is your responsibility, not mine!'" 18. Id. at 243-44. Charles D. Hinks was a flour merchant, at 41 S. Howard St., and was later named by the legislature to the Board of Police Commissioners. His brother and partner, Samuel Hinks, had been elected Mayor of Baltimore in 1854 on the Know Nothing ticket. 1966] MARYLAND LAW REVIEW to fall; when I arose I saw my brother in the middle of the street, about ten feet from me, surrounded by a crowd, who were striking at him and firing pistols all around him; he was knocked down twice, and at one time while he was down, I saw two men jump on his body and kick him; he had no other weapon in his hand than his stick; in the meantime, I drew my pistol, and fired into the crowd, which was immediately in front of me, every man of whom seemed to have a pistol in his hand, and was firing as rapidly as he could; in this crowd there were fully from forty to fifty persons; I saw at the second story windows of the Watchman Engine-house building, in which the polls were held, cut-off muskets, or large pistols, protruding, and observed smoke issuing from the muzzles, as though they were being fired at me; I then turned towards my brother, and endeavored to get to him; when within a few feet of him, I saw him fall, placing his hand on his groin as if badly hurt; at the same moment, a shot struck me in the shoulder, which went through my arm and penetrated into my breast; from the direction the ball took, I am satisfied that the shot was fired from the second story of the engine-house; when I got up, my brother was still lying on the ground immediately opposite the door of the house into which he afterwards managed to get; I supposed that he was dead, and transferred my pistol from my right hand, which was disabled, to my left hand, and holding it in front of me, backed down towards Lee Street, the crowd following me; as I backed in that way, just as I got near Lee Street, a fellow ran out with a musket from under a shed, and I pointed my pistol at him, which made him change his position a little; as I continued to back off, a brick struck me in the breast, and I fell; just at that moment the musket was discharged, and the ball whizzed over me as I was falling; while I was so retreating, the crowd was firing at me constantly; when I arose there was no further trouble offered me, and in a few moments some one came up, with whom I went off; there were seven bullet holes in my coat, and the coat was cut as if by knives in various places; the pantaloons had also the appearance of having been cut by bullets; during all this time I saw no police officers, and it was only when I was on my way home that an officer came up and asked me my name; my brother died that evening from the effect of injuries received there. 19 According to the witnesses, the police not only made no attempt to protect voters but in some instances assisted the Know Nothings in their work of intimidation. For example, the Baltimore American and Commercial Advertiser for November 3, 1859, gave this account of Tenth Ward activities: A few minutes after the polls were opened a party of men from the "Regulators" Tavern attacked the Reformers with awls. Mr. 19. Id. at 255-66. George H. Kyle was a partner in the firm of Dinsmore & Kyle, wholesale grocers and commission merchants, at 156 W. Pratt Street. [VOL. XXVI BALTIMORE POLICE CASE R. B. Fisher, of the firm of James I. Fisher & Sons, fired at his assailant. Paving stones were thrown at them, and six or seven men armed with rifles and horse pistols rushed out of Levy's [Erasmus Levy's tavern] 20 and commenced an indiscriminate firing, but fortunately no one was injured. Messrs. Fisher and Morris were both arrested, but their assailants were not troubled. THE POLICE REFORM BILLS As was to be expected, the recorded votes in Baltimore City heavily favored the Know Nothings. But the spreading knowledge of their practices had brought about a revulsion of feeling in the counties. Both houses of the legislature became Democratic; the Senate by the narrow margin of 12 to 10; the House by 46 to 28.21 By the time the legislature met in January, the Reform Association lawyers had been hard at work and presented a series of three bills: (1) to place the Baltimore police under the control of a State Board of Commissioners; (2) to reform election procedures and make them a responsibility of the police; and (3) to eliminate the alleged restriction on the right to call the militia to preserve the peace. The Know Nothing members of the Assembly set out to sabotage or kill the bills. In the House they were relatively powerless and could do no more than effect delay. But in the Senate the Democratic margin was paper thin. The Know Nothing strategy was to amend the police bill to death and, in the process, to postpone final action in the hope that some of the Democratic senators would get sick, go home or submit to Know Nothing pressure. In the Senate alone forty-two amendments were offered, one at a time, and a record vote was demanded on almost everyone, eating up legislative days and staving off final passage. Only one succeeded in breaking the ranks of the Democratic majority. It was sponsored by Senator Anthony Kimmel of Frederick County, an opponent of the bill, and provided "That no Black Republican, or endorser or approver of the Helper Book, shall be appointed to any office under said Board."22 The "Helper Book" was the product of H. Rowan Helper of North Carolina and advocated the abolition of slavery. It was published in 1857 and by 1860 had become a campaign document of the Republican party. It was symptomatic of the times that this amendment succeeded in breaking the legislative alignment, passing the Senate by 15 to 6. Its design, of course, was to invalidate or ridicule the proposed law. 20. Erasmus Levy's tavern, on Holliday Street, to which reference is also made in Mr. Wallis' testimony, was a notorious gang headquarters. Levy's and similar dens here and elsewhere brought the term "tavern" into such disrepute that dispensers of spirits sought to refurbish their public image by calling their establishments "saloons," a term which a century ago carried an air of gentility and elegance. 21. See WINGATE, THE MARYLAND REGISTER VOR 1860-1861, at 6, 8-9 (1860), for the composition of the 1860 General Assembly. 22. JOURNAL OF The PROCEEDINGS OF THE STATE Or MARYLAND 113 (Jan. Sess. 1860). 1966] MARYLAND LAW REVIEW On February 2, 1860, the police bill received its final vote of approval,23 and the companion bills followed in its wake. The Governor at that time was a Know Nothing, but the 1851 Constitution gave him no veto power and the bill became law. THE BATTLE IN COURT Both sides now girded for the inevitable court fight, and both took the offensive. The four Police Commissioners named in the Act brought a mandamus action to obtain possession of the station houses and police equipment owned by the City. The City countered with a suit to have the Act declared void and to restrain the Commissioners. The two actions were argued together before Judge Robert N. Martin in the Superior Court of Baltimore City.24 He was an able judge and had been on the Court of Appeals from 1845 to 1851. The new Constitution of that year had required that judges be elected. This was so offensive to the members of the Court of Appeals that they refused to run, and a wholly new court was elected. Later, Judge Martin became judge of the Superior Court in Baltimore. His opinion was crisp and to the point and knocked down, one by one, every substantial argument advanced by the fertile imaginations of the City lawyers. In this he had the support of some of the best legal brains of the day, the new Police Commissioners being represented by Reverdy Johnson, William H. Norris, James Mason Campbell, and Severn Teackle Wallis. The City was represented by Jonathan Meredith, William Price, William Schley, and Thomas S. Alexander. The issue was solely one of power, said Judge Martin, the question of expediency being exclusively within the province of the legislature. The City was a creature of the State, and the State legislature had the power to rearrange its functions as it saw fit, including the power to transfer municipally owned station houses and police equipment to State Commissioners. It was a public trust, and if the legislature saw fit to change the trustees, it had the right to do so. Within a month the Court of Appeals affirmed, opinions being written by Judge William Hallam Tuck and Chief Judge John Carroll LeGrand, of Baltimore City. Although much longer than Judge Martin's opinion, the Court of Appeals opinions did not add greatly to it. Indeed, their greater elaboration had the effect of creating doubts on some points that the lower court had merely brushed aside.25 23. The 1860 census figures for the political subdivisions from which members of the legislature were elected make it clear that the Know Nothings represented a larger proportion of the voters than did the Democrats, as shown below: Population Represented by Senators by Delegates Know Nothings 338,704 304,566 Democrats 117,204 211,342 24. Baltimore v. State, 15 Md. 376, 382-401 (1860). 25. 15 Md. 376. The most questionable part of the decision was that sustaining the legislative authority of the Police Commissioners to fix their own expenses and to require the City to pay them. The Court of Appeals regarded this as a delegation of taxing power, but sought to justify it on the basis of cases permitting the delegation of [VOL. XXVI BALTIMORE POLICE CASE The case was not as easy as the judges made it sound. No one could question that the City was legally a creature of the State, but the concept that the legislature could transfer the City's police to commissioners named in the Act was nevertheless revolutionary. By the same logic the legislature might have named a new mayor and a new city council. The Court of Appeals was humorous rather than serious in its treatment of the legislative anathema against Black Republicans and endorsers of the Helper Book. They had no way of determining, they said, what the words meant. Therefore they held them meaningless. 2 6 THE SWEETS OF VICTORY Whatever the legal quirks in the police bill, the proof of the pudding was in the voting. At the next election, held six months after the court decision, the new laws and the new police force performed so well that for the first time in a decade Baltimoreans were free to vote as they chose, free of violence, fraud or intimidation. Know Nothingism was smashed. And, to cap the climax, the voters swept into office as mayor the lawyer who had so fearlessly led the battle, George William Brown. Nor was this the only occasion on which the transfer of the police to State control was to have a dramatically beneficial effect. During the Civil War, Baltimore was subjected to force and intimidation of a different sort, purportedly in the interest of the war effort. Mayor Brown, the four Police Commissioners, Judge Bartol of the Court of Appeals, thirty-one legislators, and hundreds of other citizens were arrested without legal process. Many of them were imprisoned at Fort Warren, in Boston harbor, for more than a year, without the placing of any charges against them, merely because military officers hoped that their incarceration might render the City less contentious. 27 While the war was raging there was some color of justification for administering the City under what amounted to martial law. But the Radical Republicans who held political control at the war's end had no notion of surrendering their authority. Through the cooperation of the Police Commissioners they controlled the election machinery just as ruthlessly as the Know Nothings had before them. Many of the Radical Republican leaders had in fact been Know Nothings. By such power to municipal corporations, citing Burgess v. Pue, 2 Gill 11 (1844) and State v. Maryland, 2 Gill 487 (1845). This seems contrary to the spirit and purpose of the MARYLAND DECLARATION OF Rights aCt. XII (now art. 14), which was designed to vest the taxing power in the elected representatives of the people, in accordance with the principle of "no taxation without representation." A delegation to an administrative body, not directly responsible to the vote of the people, is very different from a delegation to a municipal corporation, and seems to violate this principle. 26. Id. at 484-85. 27. See C. B. Clark, Suppression and Control of Maryland, 1861-1865, 54 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZIN4 241 (1959). No charges were ever placed against Mayor (later Judge) Brown, who attributed his arrest and fourteen month incarceration to his refusal to use City funds to pay police officers who were appointed and controlled by the Federal military command. 19661 MARYLAND LAW REVIEW an overbearing application of what was known as the "Ironclad Oath," they exercised a form of thought control, barring from voting anyone who could not satisfy the Republican election judges that he had never sympathized with or extended aid or comfort to anyone connected with the Confederacy. The overzealous enforcement of restrictive rules is said to have disfranchised more than half the voting public." Again the key to the situation was the police, who had a large measure of responsibility for elections. The governor at the time was Thomas Swann. He had been mayor of Baltimore during the earlier crisis and had condoned the intimidation of voters by his supporters. Fate now gave him the opportunity to redeem himself. Like most of the Know Nothing leaders, Swann had become a Republican, and he had been a strong unionist throughout the Civil War. But with the war over he could no longer stomach the vengeful spirit and excesses of the party leaders then in command. Upon a petition from citizens of Baltimore, he removed the Police Commissioners and replaced them with appointees of greater tolerance. 29 The effect was to break the hold of the Radical Republicans upon Baltimore, and once more, through State control, to make elections free."° 28. KmNT, THE STORY oF MARYLAND POLITICS 5 (1911), places the proportion of those disfranchised at three-fourths. 29. See Andrews, History of Baltimore, from 1850 to the Close of the Civil War, in I BALTIMORE, ITS HISTORY AND ITS PEOPL 208-09 (1912). 30. By the LAWS oF MD. ch. 15 (1900), the Police Commissioners were made subject to appointment and removal by the Governor, rather than by the General Assembly, as theretofore; and by the LAWS OP MD. ch. 559 (1920), provision was made for a single Commissioner instead of a board. In 1920 and again in 1947 the General Assembly called for a vote in Baltimore City as to whether the Police Commissioner should be appointed by the Mayor or by the Governor. The Department of Legislative Reference shows the results as follows: 1920 1947 For appointment by Governor--------- 87,474 56,457 For appointment by Mayor -------- 72,779 24,809
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The “thin blue line” symbolizes the police’s role in maintaining civilized society. The police are the barrier between the law-abiding and the criminal, the vulnerable and the predatory, order and chaos. Across the United States, police are under attack and the blue line is wavering. In Baltimore, it has broken.
The Baltimore Police Department has been in crisis for years. The BPD operates under an onerous consent decree and is understaffed by 700 officers. Democratic mayor Brandon Scott’s “Group Violence Reduction Strategy,” apparently designed to replace cops with social workers, is responsible for much of the crisis. GVRS produced “Safe Streets,” Scott’s flagship violence-reduction initiative. The Safe Streets program hires ex-convicts and former gang members as “violence interrupters” to mediate conflicts between gang members, drug dealers, and other violent criminals. Safe Streets workers do not cooperate with the police.
In July, I observed in City Journal that Baltimore’s crime-enabling policies had culminated in the worst mass shooting in the city’s history. On July 2, 30 people were shot, two fatally, at an unauthorized “Brooklyn Day” block party in the Brooklyn Homes public housing project.
On August 30, Mayor Scott released the city’s agency after-action reports regarding the mass-shooting incident. The BPD, the Housing Authority of Baltimore City (HABC), and the Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement—the agency administering Safe Streets—each submitted reports.
Many Baltimoreans had hoped that city leadership would use the report as an opportunity to end misguided policies that had elevated concerns for criminals above those for victims. They focused much of their dissatisfaction on Safe Streets, which has evaded scrutiny for years.
The critical issue affecting all BPD operations, including those on Brooklyn Day, is a massive staffing shortage. BPD officers were hopeful that in the wake of the Brooklyn Day disaster, acting police commissioner Richard Worley would finally address short-staffing and the resulting mandatory overtime, canceled off-days, and poor morale.
Instead, Baltimore’s leadership ducked responsibility, remained committed to failed policies, and scapegoated the officers and command staff of BPD’s Southern District. The fallout has put the Baltimore Police Department on the road to extinction.
Let’s take a closer look at the findings.
The BPD report reiterates anti-police critics’ condemnations of law enforcement, placing full blame on the responding officers. It excoriates the Southern District command and officers for failing to learn about the event before it occurred, not requesting additional citywide officers, and showing alleged “indifference” to the community. Acting Commissioner Worley has already made command-staff changes and is seeking to discipline supervisors and officers but refused to call to account other genuinely responsible agencies. Disturbingly, he doesn’t seem interested in obtaining more than a superficial understanding of police decision-making.
The BPD was unaware of the Brooklyn Day block party because event organizers did not obtain a city permit and circumvented police scrutiny by deliberately keeping information off social media. That the BPD lacked prior knowledge of the event isn’t inculpatory. HABC, which manages the entire Brooklyn Homes project, wasn’t aware of the event, either. The only agency with prior knowledge about Brooklyn Day was Safe Streets, and it did not inform the police.
This tragedy would not have happened without the complicity of one or more Brooklyn Homes residents. Hosting an unpermitted block party, enabling public drug and alcohol use, and stealing electricity are all prohibited by the housing authority, but no one will face any accountability for these lease violations. HABC has announced that no residents will be evicted. Worley’s report doesn’t even mention that the event was illegal.
The report also absolves the Safe Streets violence-interrupters of responsibility for the incident. The organization not only concealed its awareness of Brooklyn Day but also its mediation of two conflicts during the event involving individuals armed with guns. Safe Streets refused to notify the police of these confirmed threats. Instead, it inserted the armed antagonists back into the crowd, letting the conflicts re-escalate later.
Worley’s report also ignored how Safe Streets’s noncooperation policy with the BPD obstructed the subsequent investigation. Four of the five violence-interrupters are originally from and still live in the Brooklyn community. They know every criminal in the neighborhood, certainly knew the armed thugs they separated on the night of the shooting, and by now know the identities of all the shooters. Neither the mayor, the city council, nor the interim police commissioner have demanded their cooperation with investigators.
Safe Streets is part of the problem, not the solution. The gang-inspired “no snitching” mentality dominates Brooklyn Homes, and Safe Streets leads by example. Dozens of residents were eyewitnesses to the shooting but refuse to step forward, while others who want to cooperate are intimidated into silence. After nearly three months, only five arrests have been made, the result of surveillance video and home detention monitors placing the offenders at the scene. Nobody has been charged with murder.
Acting Commissioner Worley never stated what he expected the Southern District to do with advance intelligence if it had it, or with additional officers if it had requested them. Should the district’s officers have prevented the illegal event from even starting or inserted officers into a hostile crowd to provide a passive police presence?
In a scandal that Worley offers as a model, BPD’s after-action report includes last year’s Brooklyn Day operation plan. That event was also unpermitted, but through social media, BPD had learned of it a few days in advance. Instead of using this information to prevent the illegal party, BPD crafted an operational plan using overtime to assign more than two dozen officers to the event.
In its Brooklyn Day 2022 plan overview, BPD acknowledged that, as in the past, Brooklyn Homes drug dealers were funding the event! The plan reads: “This event is financially supported by individuals living in the community, and who have historical connections to the sale of controlled dangerous substances” (emphasis added).
In my 29 years of policing, I have never seen an official policy so shocking—and so pathetic. BPD’s 2022 Brooklyn Day operational plan concedes that drug dealers will own and operate the event while the police serve as their security detail. This dysfunction provides insights both into police decision-making during Brooklyn Day 2023 and the subsequent criticism by anti-police politicians.
In other words, since the purpose of obtaining early intelligence had never been to stop the unpermitted event, police supervisors were not motivated to shut down Brooklyn Day 2023 once they learned about it. They decided to maintain the status quo by monitoring the party.
The police knew that they would incur backlash if they decided to shut down the event, arresting some Brooklyn Homes residents in the process. The same politicians trying to burn cops at the stake for inaction and “indifference to the community” would try to burn cops for overreaction and “indifference to the community.” Police were in a no-win situation.
As the crowd swelled to as many as 1,000 and spread over several blocks, officers faced another dilemma. Taking any enforcement action or even entering the crowd without overwhelming backup would have been impossible. Officer safety could not be maintained. Trying to disperse a huge crowd filled with thugs and gang members who were there for “lotta guns, lotta drugs . . . lotta money,” many of whom had been consuming drugs and alcohol for hours, would have resulted in mass arrests, uses of force, and probably a riot.
History helps explain why the BPD is reluctant to engage proactively in hands-on enforcement. Marilyn Mosby, Baltimore’s George Soros-supported state attorney, declined to enforce quality-of-life laws. Mayor Scott and former police commissioner Michael Harrison supported her non-prosecution policy. Mosby and her policies are now gone, but enforcement of those laws has not resumed. In fact, Baltimore’s consent decree admonishes officers from proactively engaging individuals involved in criminality and disorder. The decree states that officers will “address quality-of-life issues in a manner that minimizes stops, citations, searches, arrests, and use of force.” (emphasis added).
Officers are not only hampered by the culture of chaos that Mosby helped inaugurate but also by allegations of racism coming from the department’s highest levels. The most insidious excerpt from BPD’s Brooklyn Day 2023 report was its unsupported speculation that “officer indifference may have compromised the awareness, planning and response,” and that “[m]embers of the community can view such indifference . . . as a form of bias.”
It is absurd to suggest that the Baltimore Police Department is racially biased. For years, the BPD has been a “majority minority” department. Only 45 percent of its officers are white, and six of BPD’s last nine police commissioners have been black.
More than any other major police department in America, the BPD has been infested with woke ideology. BPD instituted an equity office that monitors alleged incidents of bias and oversees a training regimen of diversity, equity, equality, inclusion, accessibility and anti-racism (DEIA)—euphemisms for critical race theory. Officers are inundated with the debunked implicit-bias theory, alleging that hidden racism pervades policing. The equity office conducted an “equity assessment” as part of the Brooklyn Day after-action report.
BPD equity training includes a DEIA Toolkit with a video featuring Kimberlé Crenshaw, a leading critical race theorist. Crenshaw’s presentation instructs BPD officers on intersectionality, a radical leftist doctrine that has been described as “American Maoism.”
Many critical race theorists claim that America is irredeemably racist, that all whites are oppressors, all blacks are victims, and the police are an instrument of racist oppression. This explains the BPD’s equity office reflexively attributing officer inaction to race-based bias. When reality is viewed through an “equity lens,” the viewer ascribes to racism all behavior he disapproves of or doesn’t understand. Consequently, one of the equity office’s post-incident corrective actions will be mandatory training classes in equity policy for all department members. The equity office is a Trojan horse designed to destroy the BPD.
Every American big city will eventually reach its moment of truth where the future of its police department is on the line. Baltimore has come to it. The Brooklyn Day tragedy was the culmination of years of Baltimore’s crime-enabling and police-incapacitating policies. The city’s review process was an extraordinary opportunity to change its disastrous course. The city blew it.
Instead of self-reflection leading to positive transformation, the entire city administration conducted a whitewash of the event and the policies that precipitated it. They covered up the real failures to crucify the one agency that can prevent crime: the Baltimore Police Department.
Nothing kills a police department faster than the destruction of officer morale—and in the BPD, morale is dead. After this report, more good cops will quit or retire early, more officers will back off from proactive policing, and quality men and women who want to serve their community and make a difference will not even apply for the job.
Baltimore’s thin blue line is broken. Anarchy will terrorize the city’s law-abiding citizens. It will get a lot worse before it gets better. The people of Baltimore have the power to resurrect their police department—but to do that, they must first find new leadership for their city.
Maurice Richards is the former chief of the Martinsburg, West Virginia, police department. He worked for 24 years as an officer and lieutenant in the Chicago Police Department and holds a doctorate in adult education from Northern Illinois University.
Photo By Raymond Boyd/Getty Images
Police union says BPD is downplaying 'dangerous' officer shortage to the public
Police union says BPD is downplaying 'dangerous' officer shortage to the public (WBFF)
Baltimore City, MD — There’s no debating, Baltimore City is grappling with a worsening officer shortage. But when you compare just how many officers the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) says they’re down, to how many the police union says they’re down, the numbers don’t add up.
While the BPD says they have 500 officer vacancies, the police union claims they’re actually 700 short.
Circling back to a 2020 consent decree hearing, a federal judge called the department’s staffing levels “critical.” U.S. Chief District Judge James Bredar saying, “I’m serving notice that the Court is alarmed and, you know, pulling the fire alarm. This is, this is the patient bleeding out.” Bredar went on to specify that the BPD needs “at least 2,800 officers” to be fully staffed. At the time, the department had about 2500 officers.
Flash forward to today, the department has only dwindled, reaching a record low of 2100 officers. 700 officers short of what’s been recommended and 200 more than what the BPD is claiming.
In a statement to FOX45, police union president Mike Mancuso accuses the BPD of “deceiving the public.” “This message is not transparent at all!” Mancuso wrote in part, “This brings us to the very ineffective and low-ball attempt by the city to recruit new officers.”
When asked to explain the discrepancy, the department said, “Our number is based off of budget. The BPD is budgeted for 2604 sworn members.”
“I don't think that to downplay the numbers is a desire not to hire,” said Law enforcement expert and former FBI agent Tyrone Powers.
According to Powers, there’s a reason the BPD may be skewing the stats.
“First of all, you don't want the public to have anxiety and fears. Secondly, you don't want the criminal element who might be looking at those numbers to feel like they're more opportunities,” he said.
Regardless of the exact number, BPD is still significantly understaffed at a time crime is projected to climb.
Ahead of the anticipated summer crime surge, Mancuso says, “We are going into the summer months and our officers are already exhausted due to canceled days off and forced daily overtime. The BPD preaches “health and wellness” but in reality, they could care less about our officers’ well-being. If they did, they would be doing everything possible to retain as well as recruit. This summer you will have the brave men and women of the BPD working double shifts with no days off to try and keep our citizens and visitors safe.”
When asked how the BPD is preparing to tackle the pending summer crime surge amid record low staffing, they replied, “While we cannot comment on something that has not happened, I can share with you that the Baltimore Police Department (BPD) recognizes the seasonality and the challenge in the different tempo that the summer months and holidays may present in addressing crime. Not only do we adjust crime and deployment strategies frequently, but each district produces weekly and quarterly deployment plans to optimize the use of all available resources. There are broad plans but they also incorporate special initiatives that direct our resources more effectively to address short term trends without shifting our focus on longer term issues.”
The following is Mancuso’s full statement on the matter:
Police Commissioner Harrison continues to deceive the public by stating that the Baltimore Police Department is 450 police officer short. This message is not transparent at all! That number actually represents the funded vacancies that exist within the BPD. That is not the number of officers needed to police Baltimore. Judge Bredar is the judge charged with overseeing the Consent Decree in Baltimore. He is a federal judge who, at the January 2020 Consent Decree hearing, told PC Harrison in open court that the actual number of officers needed to police this city was 2,800 to possibly 3,000. Currently Baltimore has about 2,100 sworn members. If you add PC Harrison’s 450 funded vacancies to that you get 2,550 officers. Judge Bredar believes the number should be 2,800 to 3,000, with which FOP3 agrees. So that leaves the BPD at least 700 officers short of what is needed to effectively police this city.
This brings us to the very ineffective and low-ball attempt by the city to recruit new officers. The incentive package for recruitment is low compared to the 5 major Police Departments with which we compete for recruits. As far as a retention package goes, absolutely none exists. Major Police Departments around the country are offering retirement eligible officers tens of thousands of dollars to stay a few extra years until their agencies can catch up on the recruiting end. The BPD does absolutely nothing while our veteran officers continue to leave. This means decades of experience is going out the door, leaving officers with little time in the department to do the training of new officers.
All of which leaves us with a violent city and a critically short-staffed Police Department. We are going into the summer months and our officers are already exhausted due to canceled days off and forced daily overtime. The BPD preaches “health and wellness” but in reality, they could care less about our officers’ well-being. If they did, they would be doing everything possible to retain as well as recruit. This summer you will have the brave men and women of the BPD working double shifts with no days off to try and keep our citizens and visitors safe. Remember though, tired employees in any business tend to make mistakes and errors in judgement that for a law enforcement officer can be devastating. Any negative events that occur should be placed squarely on the shoulders of Mayor Scott and Police Commissioner Harrison. Baltimore has a full calendar of events planned for the warmer months and they will have a very difficult time filling the spots needed to ensure that the public is safe.
Safe Streets
Since 2007, Safe Streets has been Baltimore’s flagship gun violence reduction program. Founded in 2000 by epidemiologist Dr. Gary Slutkin, Cure Violence is a public health approach that uses trusted messengers in the community to interrupt the transmission of violence. Violence interrupters spread anti-violence messages and encourage positive changes in individual behavior as well as community norms around violence. In 2007, the Cure Violence model pioneered in Chicago came to McElderry Park in East Baltimore. In 2021, Safe Streets will be adding its tenth site: Belvedere.
Safe Streets is starting an intensive internal evaluation to identify ways to improve the levels of service and outcomes provided by the ten sites. Using state funds, MONSE has contracted with Dr. Joseph Richardson, Acting Chair of the African-American Studies Department at the University of Maryland, and Dr. Daniel Webster, Director of the Center for Gun Violence Prevention and Policy at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, to also evaluate Safe Streets and recommend steps for updating the model and integrating an improved Safe Streets into an ecosystem of care to address violence in our communities.
Safe Streets serves the residents of 10 target areas across Baltimore City, totaling 2.6 square miles.
How have Safe Streets contributed to crime reduction?
Past evaluations of the program from Johns Hopkins have found that Safe Streets sites are associated with decreases in fatal and nonfatal shootings, both in the sites' target areas and the area immediately surrounding the sites. In 2020, Safe Streets sites mediated over 2,300 conflicts. In June 2021, the Cherry Hill site celebrated over one year without a homicide in their target area.
Additional information about the program and evaluations can be found here:
A core piece of Safe Streets' model is community mobilization. Sites host events and conduct daily outreach to share information, build trust with community members, and spread the Safe Streets message via credible messengers. Safe Streets sites are regarded as trusted community hubs to access resources and conflict mediation services. In 2020, Safe Streets sites hosted 451 community mobilization events with 58,000+ total attendance.
We are always looking for help from the community to
help us co-produce public safety.
How can you get involved?
Community members can volunteer at any of our Safe Streets sites during community events. If there are individuals who are interested in volunteering long-term, we could use support in the following areas:
GED preparation;
professional development programming and;
connections to life-sustaining resources.
Safe Streets crew worked South Baltimore block party, but shifts ended before mass shooting
Published 7/6/2023 2:00 p.m. EDT, Updated 7/6/2023 2:32 p.m. EDT
Bishop John Watts of Kingdom Life Church Apostolic greets a Safe Streets worker on July 2, following a shooting at Brooklyn Homes. (Jessica Gallagher/The Baltimore Banner)
Four months after city leaders celebrated the results of Safe Streets, their flagship anti-violence program, one of the worst acts of violence in Baltimore history took place squarely within the group’s turf.
Gunfire erupted at a South Baltimore block party on Saturday, leaving two dead and 28 others wounded shortly after midnight. Earlier that night, four Safe Streets workers had monitored the Brooklyn Homes party and stepped in to calm minor arguments. Their shifts went from 3 to 11 p.m., and the crew left around 11:30 p.m., according to the nonprofit that operates Safe Streets in Brooklyn. About an hour later, the shooting started.
“Once the Safe Streets staff heard of the shooting, they immediately returned to the scene, remaining on-site and at the hospitals where victims, including their loved ones, were being treated until 5 a.m.,” Kevin Keegan with Catholic Charities wrote in an email. “The team returned to the scene at 10 a.m. the following morning to continue to support the community.”
Keegan added, “Catholic Charities is proud of our team members in Brooklyn.”
In the context of Baltimore’s burgeoning “community violence intervention ecosystem,” the shooting underscores some of the institutional weaknesses of the Safe Streets program that’s operated in Baltimore since 2007.
As that network of social services groups grows, some have viewed the Safe Streets model as being somewhat outdated. Premised on using longtime community residents as mediators, some gun violence experts have questioned whether that reliance on “OGs,” older folks who have experience in the criminal justice system, is effective at reaching young people, who are now at the heart of the city’s gun violence crisis.
In the case of Saturday night’s shooting, those concerns are compounded by the fact that the understaffed Brooklyn site, which was opened fairly recently in 2019, has not seen the same success as other Safe Streets territories.
A report released by Johns Hopkins University in March noted that the Brooklyn site saw an increase of homicides during its tenure. Daniel Webster, who authored the study, said that it’s hard to know whether the shooting could have been prevented by Safe Streets workers without more details, but the fact that the DJ reportedly stopped the party multiple times to calm tensions stuck out to him.
“While their typical day-to-day stuff doesn’t look like monitoring a very, very large party deep into the night, it is a common thing that community violence intervention programs do,” Webster said. “It’s hard to know with certainty that this was a preventable thing from the Safe Streets angle, but the fact that they were there, they were deployed there, tells me that they thought they could have the potential to prevent shootings.”
More reporting on the Brooklyn Homes mass shooting
Community residents, for their part, have questioned why Safe Streets didn’t do more to intervene before the situation deteriorated further. Many have asked why police weren’t notified, though dispatch communications showed that law enforcement was aware of the party and reports that people there were armed, but chose not to do anything about it.
Beyond that, Safe Streets workers are explicitly trained not to involve law enforcement in their interventions, which maintains their credibility with communities who are distrustful of police after decades of antagonistic relations.
At Brooklyn Homes, police said, two shooters opened fire amid a crowd of hundreds. Two people were killed: Kylis Fagbemi, 20, and Aaliyah Gonzalez, 18, an honors student and recent graduate of Glen Burnie High School. The wounded ranged from age 13 to 32. Authorities are offering $28,000 for information leading to arrests.
Webster added that most of the city’s 10 Safe Streets sites are understaffed. The Brooklyn office is budgeted for five violence interrupters, but two of those positions are currently open. Keegan noted the Safe Streets workers are members of the Brooklyn Homes community and also shaken by the violence.
“They, like so many others including their own families, were directly impacted, injured and traumatized by this event,” he wrote.
The Hopkins gun violence professor also emphasizes that it is entirely plausible that Safe Streets did the best they could to intervene, and someone still came back to the party with a gun.
“Maybe they did everything they could do,” he suggested.
A Safe Streets sticker on the door of a residence in Brooklyn Homes. (Brenda Wintrode)
By midnight, hundreds of teenagers and young adults had converged on the block party. City logs show a flood of 911 calls. By 10 p.m., someone posted online a video clip of a young man flashing a gun. Police radioed that the crowd seemed to near 1,000 people and they dispatched a helicopter.
Families in Brooklyn Homes and people across the city have asked why city officials failed to make sure the annual Brooklyn Day celebration was safe and why police did not intervene when the party spun out of control.
Sunday morning, a woman who asked for anonymity to protect her safety told The Baltimore Banner there had been repeated scares that young people had brought guns. The woman said she asked Safe Streets workers to step in.
“I asked them, why don’t y’all mediate? They said, ‘we don’t know what’s going on,’” she recalled.
Safe Streets is funded with a mix of city and state dollars totaling about $5 million in the budget year ending June 30.
The Public Safety Committee of the Baltimore City Council has called a meeting for next Thursday to examine the response of city agencies and police to the party and the shooting.
Reporter Hallie Miller contributed to this article.
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On July 2, a huge crowd gathered at Baltimore’s Brooklyn Homes public housing project for a block party. The “Brooklyn Day” celebration culminated in the worst mass shooting in Baltimore’s history, with 30 victims, including two fatalities; police recovered shell casings from as many as 16 guns. Before a single arrest had been made or weapon recovered, local officials were blaming guns for the incident, with Baltimore’s young Democratic mayor, Brandon Scott, condemning Congress for not banning “ghost guns.” But the Brooklyn Homes shooting was the inevitable result of policies that have engendered crime in Charm City for decades.
Baltimore’s elected officials bear much of the blame for the city’s crime problem. From 2015 until leaving office earlier this year, State’s Attorney Marilyn Mosby undermined the rule of law in Baltimore. A George Soros-supported prosecutor, Mosby helped unleash an unprecedented crime wave by dropping cases, refusing to prosecute serious crimes, and keeping violent criminals out of prison. During Mosby’s first year in office alone, Baltimore homicides soared 62 percent; they totaled 2,653 during her tenure. Mosby was guided by an ideology that sees criminals as victims, police as criminals, and victims as collateral damage, even when most of this last group are black (as are 95 percent of all Baltimore homicide victims).
After Mosby’s disastrous tenure, Baltimore’s citizens got fed up. In last July’s Democratic primary, 72 percent of voters rejected her and elected Ivan Bates on a platform to hold criminals accountable.
Unfortunately, Mayor Scott seems to share Mosby’s ideology. As City Council president, Scott helped to slash $22 million from the Baltimore Police Department budget. The money was subsequently restored, but Scott began dismantling the BPD by other means. In 2021, when Baltimore announced its Group Violence Reduction Strategy, I observed that the anti-police scheme sought to replace cops with social workers. Today, the BPD is understaffed by 700 officers.
Meantime, Safe Streets, Scott’s flagship violence-reduction initiative, has also proved a failure. The program hires ex-convicts and supposedly reformed gang members as “violence interrupters” to mediate conflicts between neighborhood gang members, drug dealers, and other violent criminals. Baltimore spent $5 million on Safe Streets last year, and another $21 million is on the way. But Scott has kept secret the details of the program’s policies, operations, and finances. For more than a year, his office has refused to explain how the program works or where the money goes. Disturbingly, Scott hides the identities of Safe Streets workers from the public. The mayor has also channeled millions in taxpayer dollars to nonprofits that manage Safe Street operations and put the workers on their payrolls. Scott then claims that the workers are not city employees, using this ruse to continue concealing their names.
These policies played a clear role in the Brooklyn Day tragedy. The BPD is so short of manpower that, on the night of the block party, only seven officers were on duty in the entire Southern District, where Brooklyn Homes is located. The few officers available to respond faced an impossible situation. Confronted with a crowd of more than 1,000 people, many hostile, police lacked the massive backup they needed. The event organizers were irresponsible in not obtaining a permit. They demonstrated no interest in cooperating with the police or other city departments to ensure a safe and orderly event. Neither Mayor Scott nor any City Council member has held the block party organizers accountable.
The Brooklyn Day catastrophe proved the incompatibility of Safe Streets with building community policing in Baltimore. Safe Streets workers are instructed not to cooperate with the police, a policy that has led to deadly results. Safe Streets workers knew about the event in advance and attended because of the likelihood of violence. They did not share this information with the police. At the event, Safe Streets intervened in five confrontations that threatened imminent violence. They did not call the police. And even as violence and tension escalated throughout the crowd, Safe Streets called it an early night at 11:30 p.m. An hour later, 30 people had been shot and two were dead.
In the aftermath, Safe Streets’ lack of cooperation has obstructed the BPD’s efforts to bring the offenders to justice. Safe Streets has worked in the Brooklyn community for years and knows every gang member and criminal. Its workers either already know the shooters or could learn their identities quickly. But they won’t help the police make arrests.
Mayor Scott supports this non-cooperation policy. He says that it enables the workers to “maintain their credibility with the community.” What Scott really means is that it helps them maintain their credibility with the criminal community.
As a law enforcement leader for 29 years, I have seen genuinely reformed ex-convicts and former gang members make a difference in community violence prevention. As mentors, they can provide leadership to young men and at-risk youth, guiding these young people on a law-abiding path and sharing crime-related information with the police. We need programs like these. But Safe Streets is not one of them. It needs to go.
Baltimore is one of America’s most crime-ridden and dysfunctional cities. But don’t sell its decent law-abiding citizens short. They rose up last year to reclaim their hijacked criminal justice system by throwing out a powerful Soros prosecutor. The Democratic Party primary for Baltimore’s mayor and city council is scheduled for April 2024. Starting now, Baltimoreans must find new leadership who will turn back the ill-conceived leftist policies that have undermined their police department and produced an epidemic of homicide.
Maurice Richards is the former chief of the Martinsburg, West Virginia, police department. He worked for 24 years as an officer and lieutenant in the Chicago Police Department and holds a doctorate in adult education from Northern Illinois University.
Photos: Nathan Howard/Getty Images
T.C. McGowan
I served honorably in the BPD for twenty years, retiring in September of 2019 at the rank of Sergeant. As such, I have first hand knowledge of just how destructive the Consent Decree was and is for the rank and file officers who hold the line every day. Implementing the Consent Decree was THE WORST decision ever agreed to by then Commissioner Anthony Batts, who was subsequently fired and is now quietly (and desperately) trying to achieve a successful career in consulting, because no Police Department in the country will hire him. The Decree is specifically designed to force Officers to do LESS, not more, proactive policing. The Decree targets and punishes any officer who attempts to engage the criminal element, and forces motivated officers to give up and shut down. Good police work requires a proactive approach, and this is something that will, unfortunately, never return to the BPD.
Add to that the insidious nature of (what I like to call) the mentality of The Constant Victim. The Constant Victim is incapable of accepting any responsibility for their actions, instead blaming everyone else for their adult choices. For example, The Constant Victim chooses to operate a motor vehicle while their driving privileges are suspended. Then, when pulled over by a proactive patrol officer, The Constant Victim chooses to whine and cry that Racial Profiling is the cause of their misfortune. This mentality permeates not only Baltimore, but our country as a whole. And it’s only getting worse.
When asked how policing had changed from the time I was hired in 1999 to the time I retired in 2019, I put it thusly: When I graduated the academy in early 2000, veterans close to retirement at that time were all planning to continue in Law Enforcement in some capacity; be it by joining another department, becoming a court bailiff, or some other form of service. Conversely, when I put the badge down for the last time, no one… and I mean NO ONE with the same amount of time under their belts as me, had any intention of ever putting a uniform on again. Welcome to policing in modern America. I seriously fear that it will take another 9/11 type incident for the citizens of this country to realize just how important that Thin Blue Line is. Until that day comes… and it will come… America in general and Baltimore in particular… you’re on your own.
greg
The multiple news conferences by Baltimore's mayor, police chief and state's attorney following the Sept. 25, 2023 brutal murder of Pava LaPere, a young white tech entrepreneur, apparently by a black career criminal, shows that the police apparatus can be efficient. The alleged murderer was arrested within days. Clearly, bogus "Safe Streets" violence mediators didn't prevent this murder, but the mayor's position of record is that we cannot know how many other murders (over 300 happened per year for the past decade) were prevented by this group of ex-felons, each hired at a policeman's salary instead of restoring a depleted police department. No, Mr. Mayor, Baltimoreans cannot know. It's not possible to quantify what did not happen, and there's no public accounting for anything that "Safe Streets" does. Effective policing will return to Baltimore when one of two things happens: Either young white tech entrepreneurs (lives that matter) replace Baltimore's current low-information population OR a responsible adult replaces the wannabe "squeegee kid" (street-corner panhandler) currently occupying the mayor's office.
A check-in on FOX45's investigation into Safe Streets
Safe Streets program under scrutiny as employee pleads guilty to drug dealing within working zone (WBFF)
BALTIMORE (WBFF) — As questions swirl surrounding the implementation of Safe Streets, Baltimore’s flagship gun violence prevention program, FOX45 News’ investigation continues.
The Mayor’s Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement, MONSE, oversees the implementation of the Safe Streets program. The City has approved millions of dollars to go to two community-based organizations to run the 10 different Safe Streets sites.
Catholic Charities operates the Penn-North location, along with Cherry Hill, Brooklyn, and Sandtown-Winchester sites. LifeBridge Health Center for Hope operates the sites in Belair-Edison, McElderry Park, Franklin Square, Park Heights, Belvedere, and Woodbourne-McCabe.
Throughout the years-long investigation into Safe Streets, FOX45 News has sent dozens of questions to Mayor Brandon Scott, MONSE leaders, other leaders in City Hall, along with the community-based organizations. Here’s a look at some of the questions that have been asked, and what information has been shared.
Police staffing woes complicate reform effort in Baltimore
BALTIMORE (AP) — After a grueling defensive tactics class with a dozen other recruits, Antonio Martinez secures his expandable baton and wipes the sweat from his brow. He’s getting ready to make his debut as a rookie cop on the streets of Baltimore, a city with the dual misfortune of having high rates of violence and a dysfunctional police force.
At Baltimore’s police academy, the earnest 25-year-old from a law enforcement family said he wants to earn his stripes as a protector of neighborhoods. He was attracted by the agency’s recruitment pitches urging police hopefuls to become part of the “greatest comeback story in America.”
“There’s clearly a goal to change things up here. I want to be part of that change,” said Martinez, adjusting his department-issued duty belt.
Martinez and other cadets have an outsized job before them: help transform a beleaguered police agency struggling to reinvent itself amid a national crisis of confidence in policing. But the city’s thin blue line just keeps getting thinner. The Baltimore Police Department has roughly 400 vacancies among the force’s sworn staff and its recruitment efforts can’t keep pace with those leaving their jobs. Last year, the agency hired one above attrition for the entire year.
Amid the national reckoning on policing in the U.S. since George Floyd’s killing by an officer in Minneapolis, any number of police agencies have struggled to recruit and retain law enforcers. For Baltimore, a city with chronically high rates of violent crime and a dysfunctional police force laboring under a tarnished image, there’s a constant challenge in drawing enough recruits to stem the outflow, including retirements and a churn of younger officers with roughly three to seven years on the job giving up their badges.
While it’s hardly the first time that Baltimore’s force has been below authorized strength, the city is now facing new kinds of pressure. It has to meet hundreds of benchmarks for staffing, accountability, use-of-force policies and other matters before it can prove it’s a transformed agency and get out from under a sweeping oversight program.
Since 2017, the city has been under federal oversight after the U.S. Justice Department released a scathing report detailing longstanding patterns of racial profiling and excessive force. The so-called consent decree is similar to ones undertaken in places such as Ferguson, Missouri, and Cleveland. Some cities return to local control after a few years, others take far longer. The Oakland Police Department has been under a consent decree for nearly 20 years.
A staffing plan calls for 2,785 sworn officers, but city police had 2,398 members on payroll in recent months.
Those closely monitoring the federal intervention in Baltimore are increasingly voicing doubt. The judge overseeing the process, U.S. District Judge James Bredar, said without more bodies the city’s force “will be unable to meet some of the consent decree’s most basic requirements.”
Timothy Mygatt, a Justice Department lawyer, said staffing shortages are affecting the BPD’s ability to achieve compliance in critical areas. These include big shortages in the Public Integrity Bureau, which is down so many investigators that the average time to complete a misconduct probe is now eight months.
But the biggest worry is with patrol’s street-level policing, where Baltimore still routinely has to draft officers to work double shifts, something the decree says must be avoided as it could lead to more unconstitutional law enforcement.
“Tired officers are in a worse position to exercise good judgment,” Mygatt said at a recent hearing.
Rewriting department policy has been relatively smooth. But deploying a new model of community policing on Baltimore’s streets and gaining citizen trust — the core of the entire intervention — has barely begun.
Some residents wonder if Baltimore just needs to focus on implementing the big-ticket reforms since it’s hard to overstate the deep history of distrust between citizens in large swaths of Baltimore and police.
“People can’t see the reforms on the streets. There’s frustration,” said Ray Kelly of the No Boundaries Coalition, an advocacy group in West Baltimore, an area only too familiar with heavy-handed policing and sometimes a complete absence of patrols.
Baltimore Police Department spokeswoman Lindsey Eldridge said the agency will at some stage need to add positions to its budget authorization to meet the long-term staffing goals, but it’s prioritizing the filling of current vacancies before making any request. She also confirmed that 46% of job separations are due to retirement. Earlier this year, Baltimore’s City Council authorized a $555 million budget for the force despite pressures from various quarters to slash it. It included a $28 million increase. This was largely to cover pension obligations and higher insurance premiums.
Some experts who aren’t involved with Baltimore’s decree believe staffing might not prove crucial down the line.
Christy Lopez, a Georgetown University professor who has led Justice Department probes of police agencies in numerous U.S. cities, including Chicago and Ferguson, that police agencies can be more effective even if they’re smaller.
“It would be a huge step backward to respond to police being spread too thin by adding more police to continue doing the work that police should not be doing. Instead, we should narrow the scope of what police do,” Lopez said.
Police often are put in positions to deal with complex calls involving mental health and drug addiction, problems that clinicians and other community partners are better trained to deal with.
Patrol shortages are near daily in the city’s nine districts, which each have three shifts. The head of the local police union, Michael Mancuso, said routinely drafting officers to work patrol is punishing.
“Officers are burned out,” he said.
But in Baltimore’s training academy, new personnel are getting ready to become the next generation of officers. As two Associated Press journalists watched cadets on a recent morning, a trainer told Martinez and his fellow hopefuls not to get anxious about the press attention.
“Don’t worry about their cameras. Pretty soon, the public’s going to be watchin you 24-7,” he said.
City releases after-action report on Baltimore mass shooting at Brooklyn Homes
Wednesday, August 30, 2023 David Collins, Rachel Duncan and Greg Ng, WBAL-TV 11
Fifty-eight days after the shooting killed two people -- Aaliyah Gonzalez, 18, and Kylis Fagbemi, 20 -- and injured 28 others, the long-anticipated report examines the shooting at the Brooklyn Day party and the aftermath from a variety of perspectives.
The 173-page report's key findings include gaps in communication, poor leadership and police officer indifference. It's broken down into four parts from the Baltimore Police Department, the Housing Authority of Baltimore City, the Mayor's Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement and the Baltimore Office of Emergency Management and the Baltimore City Fire Department.
"I wanted to make sure the assessment we would ultimately produce was comprehensive and uncompromising," Mayor Brandon Scott said at a news conference Wednesday morning. "This mass shooting is one of the most painful chapters in our city's history, which has had more than its fair share of painful chapters."
The report also includes recommendations on changes that need to be made. Moving forward, the city's chief administrative officer will convene meetings with agency leaders to continue to review agency actions and monitor compliance with the recommendations provided in the after action reports.
The report claims the city's response to the shooting was swift and comprehensive; however, there were breakdowns that need to be addressed.
"I was also clear that while I wanted a detailed accounting of mistakes made and actions taken or not taken, I also wanted each report to identify clear recommendations on actions that city government should be taking," Scott said Wednesday morning. "I want to be explicit with all Baltimoreans, we are setting a path forward with the goal of ensuring every mistake outlined in these reports is never repeated."
Findings from the Baltimore Police Department:
Acting Baltimore Police Commissioner Richard Worley said BPD made mistakes.
"We know we made mistakes. It was important that our after action report not only mentioned those mistakes, highlighted those mistakes and shortcomings, but also provides recommendations to improve and learn from," Worley said Wednesday morning.
The report claims that had BPD known about the Brooklyn Day party, the department would have been able to move several dozen more officers to the area to help manage the event.
I WATCH: City news conference on morning of report's release
The report found police brass failed to provide officers with direction on how to intervene in the large crowd or to request additional resources. The report indicates there were plenty of officers available to help.
"It's frustrating for me because if we didn't have the people available, I understand, but we had over 100 officers available throughout the city that we could have moved there in a short amount of time," Worley said Wednesday morning.
A major advised officers to "monitor only, don't get drawn in and become a target." Police said multiple people face discipline action, and a major in the Southern District has since been reassigned.
"They turned all of their findings over to the Public Integrity Bureau, which has already served some members with charging papers for different charges during the incident," Worley said Wednesday morning.
Breakdown of intelligence for the event, officer indifference:
The report cites "sustained staffing shortages" in patrols as likely contributing to Southern District officers' inability to form community relationships in Brooklyn that could have foretold of the Brooklyn Day event before it took place.
"Officer indifference may have compromised the awareness, planning and response to Brooklyn Day prior to the large crowds arriving," the report states.
I WATCH: 911 calls from Brooklyn mass shooting shed light on response:
The report goes on to explain that the community can see the indifference -- either real or perceived -- as a form of bias that keeps people from coming forward with information.
"We need to do a more in-depth study of not just the Southern District, but the entire city to see if these inequities are occurring elsewhere," Worley said Wednesday morning.
"The only way we can heal from this trauma is to begin by focusing on accountability, accountability for those who commit the crime, accountability for the police or anyone who showed indifference, accountability for city government that made missteps and take action to ensure that this never happens again in our city," Scott said Wednesday morning.
The report states that BPD's Open Source Intel Unit found one social media post about Brooklyn Day but no other social media posts about before the event. The unit was not staffed to work or monitor social media the day of the event.
"Had those personnel been available, they may have processed social media posts about Brooklyn Day that were happening in real time," the report states.
"For whatever reason, we didn't know about it this year, we should have and we could have. We had chances all during the day to do the same thing, and we missed those chances and we now have to hold ourselves accountable for it," Worley said Wednesday morning.
The report also found that two CitiWatch camera operators saw the crowd activity in the afternoon and early evening, but didn't notify supervisors. A third CitiWatch camera operator would later make notifications at 10:15 p.m. over the radio citing the large crowd size.
Report addresses inequity in police coverage for Brooklyn:
One of the key findings within the review of the police department shows that the patrol assignment that includes Brooklyn Homes has been in the top 1% of busiest patrol areas for the city. The boundaries of that post had not been updated for decades, leaving just one officer responsible for the significantly higher volume of workload in that area.
"When you think about Brooklyn, when you think about the Southern District, when you think about police districts in Baltimore, we know that there has been inequity," Scott said Wednesday morning. "In fact, that's the reason why I've been leading the efforts to redistrict Baltimore police districts for more than a decade. ... Redistricting when into effect a week after this happened. Brooklyn was served by one patrol officer for all those many years, handling 17% of the calls for all of the Southern District. That is inequity at its finest."
Brooklyn now has three officers assigned to its area, the mayor said.
Additionally, based on 2020-2023 records, the Brooklyn Homes area had not received "sufficient proactive efforts" -- including foot patrols, directed patrols, business checks, etc. -- when compared with historic crime rates.
Officers' actions saved lives:
The report found the three shifts for the Southern District were all fully staffed and the officers who responded to the mass shooting used their training and First Aid equipment to stop hemorrhaging and stabilize victims until advanced medical care arrived.
"The conduct by many of those officers demonstrably saved lives, and in many cases, represents heroic efforts that went above and beyond the call of duty," the report states.
In one example, the report includes body-worn camera video of an officer trying to help victims of the shooting, and it explains how the officer and bystanders realized there wasn't time to wait for an ambulance for one of the victims, so the officer brought his patrol car to the victim to take the victim to a hospital.
"The actions that this patrol officer took when providing emergency medical care and then deciding to transport the victim to the hospital undoubtedly saved the life of this gunshot victim," the report states.
Worley said the investigations into the mass shooting and the response will continue.
"We're going to continue to do this. If we get more information a month from now, six months from now that other people knew about this and never escalated it up the chain of command, withheld information, we can continue to investigate this and hold those accountable who made mistakes," Worley said Wednesday morning.
Police have since arrested two youths, Tristan Brian Jackson, 18, of Baltimore, and a 17-year-old boy. Worley said the reward for information leading to an arrest is now $88,000.
Recommendation highlights for BPD:
The report makes several recommendations to include changes to the BPD command staff and changes to involve the police integrity bureau, when necessary. The report claims acting Commissioner Richard Worley will update the mayor on his recommended personnel changes within the next 30 days.
The report also recommends district intelligence officers and district command staff better communicate to ensure proper planning for large gatherings.
It also recommends regular schedules for intelligence units and neighborhood coordination units to include weekends.
Findings from the Housing Authority of Baltimore City:
Housing officials said they do not have live-in workers at the apartments, so when workers left on Friday, July 1, they weren't expected to return until Tuesday because of the July Fourth holiday weekend.
Now, the authority has hired private security to be at the complex to cover some of those gaps.
Housing officials acknowledged the authority needs to build better relationships with the families who live at Brooklyn Homes.
"We do have some trust issues with residents and management at the site. We are looking into that and we're working with our management team to make sure they have proper communications with the residents," HABC CEO Janet Abrahams said Wednesday morning.
Housing officials said they're working with families involved to make sure they understand the terms of their lease, saying no one is being evicted over the Brooklyn Day party.
HABC said it did not receive notice about the Brooklyn Days because the event wasn't organized by tenants as it usually was since before COVID-19.
"The activities that took place at this year's Brooklyn Day are prohibited by HABC," the report states. "Permission must be granted to host events after 4 p.m. If HABC grants permission, the organizers must provide their own security after 4 p.m., as well as the required proof of insurance for any third-party event."
HABC also stated it received no calls to its after-hours emergency hotline about the event or crowds or weapons at the property.
The report states that had HABC known about the event, it would have coordinated public safety efforts with BPD and other city agencies, as it has in the past.
HABC said its leaders followed the agency's emergency response and coordinated with city agencies and service providers, but that it could have been better accomplished with more efficient coordination among all agencies through a Joint Information Center.
HABC said it has since engaged with a third-party evaluator analyze the agency's emergency preparedness plan and ongoing response.
HABC releases statement:
"We want to thank Mayor Scott and his administration for taking the important initiative to assess each agency's response and actions to the tragic incident that occurred on July 2. It's an opportunity to understand what worked well with our emergency response plans and areas where we can improve.
"Most importantly, we want our residents to feel safe in the communities they call home. We want residents and their families to enjoy spending time with each other and their neighbors. It can be done in a manner that is safe and fun.
"Our hearts and prayers continue to be with every victim, family member and resident. It has been a challenging time for Baltimore City, and we hope that justice is served to the victims' families."
Findings from the Mayor's Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement:
"While this incident has greatly traumatized direct and indirect victims in the Brooklyn community, as well as the entire city of Baltimore, we will not stop working to facilitate healing, address residual trauma and move forward as a village to improve the safety of Baltimoreans regardless of ZIP code," said Stefanie Mavronis, interim executive director of MONSE.
Safe Streets workers integrate themselves in communities and work to stop conflict before it becomes violent. During the event, Safe Streets staff mediated five conflicts/interventions involving event participants that included arguments, and all five interactions were marked as resolved.
In the afternoon of the Brooklyn Day event, MONSE reported that Safe Streets Brooklyn violence interrupters observed youths getting off buses, asking where the event was taking place. The report states that the violence interrupters encourage the youths to return home if they weren't sure where they were going.
By the evening, MONSE said the violence interrupters walked through the large groups to separate and spread crowds out. MONSE said Safe Streets staff left the site at the end of their shift at 11 p.m. but returned upon hearing of the shooting.
Among the findings included in the report, MONSE said there is no documented protocol for Safe Streets staff to share knowledge with city leaders about large events or potential/emerging threats to public safety.
"In this case, Safe Streets had no advance information about conflicts among attendees or likely violence at Brooklyn Day, although they were aware of the occurrence of the Brooklyn Day event," the report states.
Part of the model for Safe Streets involves them working independently from law enforcement to maintain credibility in the communities. Authorities are now looking for ways to allow two-way communication.
"That would look like awareness of an event that's going to have more than 50 people, sharing that information if there's prior intelligence of conflict before an event, let's say, between two groups that potentially that have challenges between each other. That's the kind of thing we want escalated," Mavronis said Wednesday morning.
City officials said they also want to find a way for Safe Streets workers to let them know in real time whether situations are getting potentially dangerous enough that they need a police response.
"There are a few proposed policies that we are considering with our site, everything from awareness of an event that was going to have 50 people or more, sharing that information with us," Marvonis said.
Among the report's recommendations, MONSE will update its operation manual for Safe Streets staff to escalate information about potential incidents.
Findings from the Baltimore Office of Emergency Management and Baltimore City Fire Department:
This portion of the report includes a timeline of the agencies' response to the shooting and put forth an improvement plan.
Among its recommendations includes, in part, enhancing dispatch and communication to ensure a swift and coordinated response; improve triage and incident comment to assess the scope of the incident while still treating patients; ensure a safety officer is dispatched to address safety concerns and mitigate risks; and train personnel on incident management, effective communication and decision-making during mass-casualty incidents.
Statement from Mayor Brandon Scott:
In a statement made available along with the release of the report, the mayor said: "The mass shooting in Brooklyn Homes is one of the most painful chapters in our city's history. The loss of two young lives, Aaliyah Gonzalez and Kylis Fagbemi, and the traumatic impact that it had on dozens and dozens of others will leave a devastating impact on our city forever.
"We can begin to heal that trauma by focusing on accountability and taking steps to ensure this never happens again in our city. With these After Action Reports, we've identified a number of findings, revelations and recommendations that will offer us valuable insight into exactly what occurred or did not occur within city government leading up to this horrific act of violence. But they also lay the foundation for the path forward as we seek to address those shortcomings.
"We discussed the need for this type of detailed accounting the very night we arrived on the scene at Brooklyn Homes. These reports are only a first step. Now, we will continue to pursue the reforms necessary to respond. Baltimore City government agencies and counterparts fell short on our promise to our residents, and we will do everything in our power to ensure those mistakes are not repeated.
"We will also not rest until justice is served to those individuals who made the decision to pick up a gun with reckless disregard for the lives of their neighbors and turned a peaceful community event into a traumatic event. The investigation is not slowing down, and we will continue seeking the accountability that this community deserves.
"Baltimore, you have my word that we will address every misstep and, together, find a path forward to heal."
Statement from Baltimore City Council Public Safety and Government Operations Committee Chairman Mark Conway:
"The reports released today capture a heartbreaking series of failures and missed opportunities in the lead-up to the Brooklyn Day event on July 1 and 2 that ended with the shooting that killed Aaliyah Gonzalez and Kylis Fagbemi and injured 28 others. Their findings underscore my conviction that the Baltimore Police Department and Housing Authority should have known more about this event before it occurred, and should have acted sooner before it spiraled out of control. To see that police department personnel was aware of the growing crowds but took minimal action is beyond disappointing. The fact that HABC staff was unaware of an hours long event on their property with hundreds of people until early the next morning suggests gaps in communication that must be addressed going forward.
"At the same time, it is important to recognize the heroic efforts of police officers, EMTs, doctors, nurses, Safe Streets workers and others who tended to victims and comforted stunned loved ones. Words will never be enough to fully express our gratitude to them.
"I already have a number of questions after reviewing the reports and look forward to asking them at the council's next oversight hearing."
The committee scheduled a hearing on the reports and city government response for 1 p.m. on Sept. 13.
Statement from the Fraternal Order of Police Lodge No. 3:
Fraternal Order of Police Lodge No. 3 President Mike Mancuso released a statement Wednesday afternoon, saying the reports find no surprises.
Mancuso wrote in his statement, in part: "Shortly after this horrific event, FOP3 predicted that the Southern District police officers and Southern District command would be the scapegoats."
The union reiterated its long-standing message about BPD staffing levels under the leadership of former Commissioner Michael Harrison, saying he allowed anti-police sentiment and its proponents to flourish in Baltimore, leading to hundreds of officers quitting or retiring than were hired.
Brooklyn Homes resident fears for safety amid increasing threats and intimidation
by Jeff Abell
Brooklyn Homes resident fears for safety amid increasing threats and intimidation (WBFF)
BALTIMORE (WBFF) — A resident of Brooklyn Homes says threats and intimidation have grown so great that she fears for her safety.
"I don't feel safe here. I don't want to be here," said Ashley Johnson.
In the days following the deadly mass shooting at Brooklyn Homes, Johnson was captured in an online photograph speaking with police officers.
Now, she's become a target.
Johnson says vandals have damaged her vehicles and bullied her children.
"They get called snitches or 'your mother's a snitch' and they get bullied and teased and now I have to keep them in the house all over again," said Johnson.
At a community meeting Thursday night, Acting Police Commissioner Richard Worley seemed to discount the threat of stopping snitching in the Brooklyn community.
"I don't know if it's a case of stop snitching. I can tell you we don't have any eyewitnesses and we haven't had anybody come forward and point out any suspects that have pulled the trigger," said Worley.
Retired Police Sergeant Melissa Pinkleton believes the city's top brass should acknowledge the threats surrounding residents at Brooklyn Homes.
"He knows it's part of the problem and if he doesn't, he's in the wrong job. Somebody else needs to do that job," said Pinkleton.
Baltimore Police arrest 15-year-old boy in Brooklyn Homes mass shooting
by Chris Berinato
BALTIMORE (WBFF) — A 15-year-old boy has been arrested in connection with July's mass shooting in Brooklyn homes, according to Baltimore City Police.
The teenager was arrested at a home in the city, according to a news release from police.
According to police, the teen will be charged with 44 offenses including attempted first degree murder, conspiracy to commit first degree murder, attempted second degree murder, reckless endangerment and handgun charges in connection with the shooting on July 2 that left two people dead and 28 others injured.
“BPD continues to work aggressively and diligently on the criminal investigation into the July 2nd, Brooklyn Homes critical incident,” said Acting Commissioner Richard Worley in a news release. “I want to thank the tireless work of our Homicide Detectives and members of our operations bureau, along with our law enforcement partners and our community. We will continue to follow every lead and pursue all of those that were involved in this incident to bring justice to the families and the Brooklyn Homes community.”
Maryland law prevents officials from releasing information about the 15-year-old suspect but did say that the teenager had previously been arrested on August 30th for a handgun violation.
“It is evident by the continued arrests in this case that law enforcement is committed to ensuring every individual who pulled a trigger at the Brooklyn Day shooting is held accountable for their reckless actions that wreaked havoc on our beloved city,” said Baltimore City State’s Attorney Ivan Bates in a news release. “My office will continue working with our partners at BPD and the state and federal levels to deliver justice for the victims and their families. While we cannot undo the immense trauma inflicted on the Brooklyn community, we can ensure that these acts of violence are met with swift and certain consequences.”
This is the fifth arrest in connection with the mass shooting. No one has been directly charged with killing 18-year-old Aaliyah Gonzales and 20-year-old Kylis Fagbemi.
City Hall report on Brooklyn mass shooting ignites debate over police responsibility
by Jeff Abell
Agency After Action Reports Regarding Brooklyn Homes Mass Shooting Incident (City of Baltimore)
BALTIMORE (WBFF) — City Hall's after action report on July's mass shooting in Brooklyn is unleashing a firestorm of debate.
The 173-page report describes what led to the city's failure to maintain public safety at the block party where two people were killed and 28 others were injured.
"I think the lack of seriousness was a little shocking that we saw from the police department," said City Councilman Mark Conway, who chairs the council' public safety committee.
"It's a deeply disturbing report that, in some cases, showed a level of contempt officers showed toward those that they served," said Councilman Zeke Cohen.
Cohen insists the failure to maintain public safety at the event cannot be excused.
"We need to hold the department accountable," said Cohen. "It's not okay to say, 'well, we're understaffed.'"
While council members demand accountability from law enforcement, some critics complain the council's demands are misplaced.
"So they're going to use BPD as a scapegoat once again," declared WCBM radio host Kim Klacik.
"We're for sure going to lose more officers," said Klacik.
'Lots of guns, lots of drugs, lots of money': A look back at the history of Brooklyn Day block parties
by GARY COLLINS | Fox45 News
Scenes from Brooklyn Day 2020 promotional video (James Jones/YouTube)
BALTIMORE (WBFF) — While the public continues waiting for Baltimore City officials to provide more details about the deadly mass shooting in Brooklyn Homes earlier this month, Fox45 News is investigating the circumstances that led to the tragic incident and the history of the annual "Brooklyn Day" festivities.
Fox45 News has reviewed several online promotional videos for past Brooklyn Day block parties that depict large crowds, underage drinking, illicit drug use and alleged organizers brandishing what appears to be firearms. The videos include footage claiming to be from the 2020, 2021 and 2022 Brooklyn Day celebrations.
Ranging from five to 20 minutes in length, these elaborately produced videos were filmed in high-definition and included drone footage. In all of the videos except for one, the same group of three men are followed throughout their Brooklyn Day experiences.
In the 2020 video, one of the men from this group pulls what appears to be a handgun with an extended magazine from his waistband. He then points the weapon at the camera before placing it back under his shirt.
Man seen in 2020 Brooklyn Day promotional YouTube video pointing gun at camera (James Jones/YouTube)
In another video by the same producer, a 2021 Brooklyn Day attendee explains what he feels that year’s celebration was all about.
Lot of sticks, a lot of guns, a lot of drugs, a lot of b****es, a lot of money. A lot of all that,” the man said in front of the camera.
In these videos, Fox45 News also identified the same 36-year-old West Baltimore resident that confirmed he personally paid for the rental of several party items and attractions at this year's Brooklyn Day event. This individual confirmed to Fox45 News he rented a U-Haul truck that transported much of the equipment for this year’s block party.
According to court records obtained by Fox45 News, the West Baltimore man has a history of alleged cocaine possession and distribution, with most recent charges in February and May 2023.
This person has not been identified as a suspect in the shootings. There is currently no information at this time that he is connected to those responsible for the violent acts that occurred earlier this month.
Scene the morning after Baltimore's worst mass shooting in its recorded history (WBFF)
“We have the moon bounce for the kids, the stage, all that [sic]. We are doing all that. We [are] doing all that for the kids. It’s Brooklyn Day,” a purported 2021 Brooklyn Day organizer said.
Why these videos matter
As of July 19, no one has been directly charged in connection with the 2023 Brooklyn Day mass shooting. The only arrest has been of a 17-year-old that is allegedly seen in a widely circulated social media video pulling what appears to be an assault-style weapon from a backpack. He has only been charged with gun-related offenses.
During a heated Baltimore City Council hearing Thursday, the Housing Authority of Baltimore City (HABC) testified it was neither “notified” nor assisted in the “planning” for this year’s Brooklyn Day party. HABC reportedly alleged $7,200 was available to Brooklyn Homes residents for community event resources, like tables and chairs. They claim tenants did not seek any funding for this year’s block party.
In a statement to Fox45 News, HABC confirmed its community partner, The Brooklyn Homes Tenant Council, has been defunct for a period of time, but is now active again. Fox45 News confirmed via state records that The Brooklyn Homes Tenant Council’s business filings were forfeited in October 2017.
“The prior association dispersed at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Brooklyn Homes Tenant Association recently formed its new membership this past spring,” HABC told Fox45 in a statement.
In the prior Brooklyn Day videos, organizers are heard repeating how many years the block party has been going on.
It’s the third year, Brooklyn Day,” one of the alleged organizers is heard saying in a 2020 video.
That claim is consistent with another 2022 event video uploaded by a separate account that features a DJ announcing the event's fifth year.
Welcome to the motherf***ing fifth annual, motherf***ing Brooklyn Day,” the DJ is heard announcing to attendees in 2022.
Lots of guns, lots of drugs, lots of money - in public housing?
The 36-year-old who helped put together this year's Brooklyn Day event was arrested in May 2023 on drug charges unrelated to July's shooting. In court documents relating to that case, police wrote they were surveying the Brooklyn Homes public housing neighborhood at the time because it’s “one that is plagued by open-air drug trafficking.”
HABC also admitted to Fox45 News there has been a history of criminal activity in the community.
“We rely upon the expertise of Baltimore Police Department to identify and address criminal activity at Brooklyn Homes. We maintain a strong relationship with the Southern District to ensure they are part of our efforts to provide public safety,” HABC tells Fox45.
Scene from Brooklyn Day 2020 promotional video (James Jones/YouTube)
While it has been reported Safe Streets was on-site earlier in the evening at Brooklyn Day 2023, both the police and government officials continue to allege they were not aware of the gathering until it was too late.
Baltimore Police Department dispatch audio reviewed by Fox45 News revealed the agency knew about the large crowd of 900 – 1,000 hours before shots were fired. Officers are heard asking if backup was coming.
10-4, I’m right here. Any other units,” questioned a Baltimore Police Officer on dispatch radio before Brooklyn Day turned fatal.
His sergeant is heard telling him not to go towards the crowd alone.
We’re coming. Fox[trot] is overhead. You’re not going in the crowd by yourself,” Baltimore City Police Sergeant is heard telling his officer.
With a police department struggling to maintain adequate staffing, questions remain as to what law enforcement may have known about the gathering for the last five years prior to this lethal evening.
In response to a series of question about these videos and prior events inside Brooklyn Homes community, the Baltimore Police Department's spokesperson did not speak directly to inquiries made.
Due to this being an ongoing and active criminal investigation, we are unable to comment further to maintain the integrity of the investigation. An after-action report is forthcoming and will be made public," said Baltimore Police Department's spokesperson to Fox45 News.
Dave Boz
"concerns for criminals above those for victims..." "the Baltimore Police Department on the road to extinction..." "no one will face any accountability..." "drug dealers will own and operate the event while the police serve as their security detail..." "enforcement of those laws has not resumed..." "The equity office is a Trojan horse designed to destroy the BPD"
And finally... "It will get a lot worse before it gets better."
A succinct listing of the things a majority of Baltimore voters want. Not "put up with," but actively want. This is unfortunate for the law-abiding citizens who live in Baltimore, but they are not the concern of the authorities, and not particularly welcome except as tax cows or theft targets.
Baltimore Police went to New York to take part in rescue/recovery efforts L to R are: Shawn Garrity, Aaron Owens, Maxx Anderson III, and Greg Woodlon. They were standing in the demolished lobby of the Millennium Hilton Hotel, which was directly across from the footprint of the World Trade Center complex
From the 2002 BPD Newsletter to see full year of 2002 newsletter click HERE To see this article go to page 5 of the PDF found in the links above
September 11, 2001
The September 11 attacks, commonly known as 9/11, were four coordinated Islamist suicide terrorist attacks carried out by al-Qaeda against the United States on Tuesday, September 11, 2001. That morning, 19 terrorists hijacked four commercial airliners scheduled to travel from the New England and Mid-Atlantic regions of the East Coast to California. The hijackers crashed the first two planes into the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City, two of the world's five tallest buildings at the time, and aimed the next two flights toward targets in or near Washington, D.C., in an attack on the nation's capital. The third team succeeded in crashing into the Pentagon, the headquarters of the U.S. Department of Defense in Arlington County, Virginia, while the fourth plane crashed in rural Pennsylvania following a passenger revolt. The attacks killed nearly 3,000 people and instigated the multi-decade global war on terror.
The first impact was that of American Airlines Flight 11, which crashed into the North Tower of the World Trade Center complex in Lower Manhattan at 08:46. Sixteen minutes later, at 09:03,the World Trade Center's South Tower was hit by United Airlines Flight 175. Both 110-story skyscrapers collapsed within an hour and forty-one minutes, bringing about the destruction of the remaining five structures in the WTC complex, as well as damaging or destroying various other buildings surrounding the towers. A third flight, American Airlines Flight 77, crashed into the Pentagon at 09:37, causing a partial collapse. The fourth and final flight, United Airlines Flight 93, flew in the direction of the capital. Alerted to the previous attacks, the passengers retaliated in an attempt to take control of the aircraft, forcing the hijackers to crash the plane in a Stonycreek Township field, near Shanksville at 10:03 that morning. Investigators determined that Flight 93's target was either the United States Capitol or the White House.
Within hours of the attacks, the Central Intelligence Agency determined that al-Qaeda was responsible. The United States formally responded by launching the war on terror and invading Afghanistan to depose the Taliban, which rejected the conditions of U.S. terms to expel al-Qaeda from Afghanistan and extradite its leaders. The U.S.'s invocation of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty—its only usage to date—called upon allies to fight al-Qaeda. As U.S. and NATO invasion forces swept through Afghanistan, al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden disappeared into the White Mountains, eluding captivity by western forces. Although bin Laden initially denied any involvement, in 2004 he formally claimed responsibility for the attacks. Al-Qaeda's cited motivations included U.S. support of Israel, the presence of U.S. military bases in Saudi Arabia and sanctions against Iraq. The nearly decade-long manhunt for bin Laden concluded on May 2, 2011, when he was killed during a U.S. military raid after being tracked down to his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan. The war in Afghanistan continued for another eight years until the agreement was made in February 2020 for American and NATO troops to withdraw from the country, and the last members of the U.S. armed forces left the region on August 30, 2021, resulting in the return to power of the Taliban.
Not including the 19 hijackers, the attacks killed 2,977 people, injured thousands more and gave rise to substantial long-term health consequences while also generating at least $10billion in infrastructure and property damage. It has been described by many as the deadliest terrorist act in human history and remains the deadliest incident for both firefighters and law enforcement personnel in the history of the United States, killing 340 and 72 from each organization. The loss of life stemming from the impact of Flight 11 secured its place as the most lethal plane crash in aviation history followed by the death toll incurred by Flight 175. The destruction of the World Trade Center and its environs seriously harmed the U.S. economy and induced global market shocks. Many other countries strengthened anti-terrorism legislation and expanded their powers of law enforcement and intelligence agencies. Cleanup of the World Trade Center site (colloquially "Ground Zero") took eight months and was completed in May 2002, while the Pentagon was repaired within a year. After delays in the design of a replacement complex, construction of the One World Trade Center began in November 2006; it opened in November 2014. Memorials to the attacks include the National September 11 Memorial & Museum in New York City, the Pentagon Memorial in Arlington County, Virginia, and the Flight 93 National Memorial at the Pennsylvania crash site.
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If you have copies of: your Baltimore Police Department Class Photo, Pictures of our Officers, Vehicles, Equipment, Newspaper Articles relating to our department and or officers, Old Departmental Newsletters, Lookouts, Wanted Posters, and or Brochures. Information on Deceased Officers and anything that may help Preserve the History and Proud Traditions of this agency. Please contact Retired Detective Kenny Driscoll.
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Proposed Baltimore police and fire training facility has a hefty price tag: $330 million
The Baltimore Banner - Justin Fenton and Ben Conarck - Published 8/25/2023 3:30 p.m. EDT, Updated 8/25/2023 4:14 p.m. EDT
A proposal for a new joint training facility for Baltimore’s police and fire departments on the Coppin State University campus has come back with a whopping price tag of $330 million.
A preliminary design report was posted to the Maryland Stadium Authority website Aug. 17, and it outlines two possible sites on the campus of the historically Black university in West Baltimore that would offer classroom and training space for the city’s two public safety agencies.
The Coppin project, pushed for nearly a decade and more formally explored starting in 2021, received renewed attention this week when a top Police Department official described it as a “tactical village,” drawing comparisons to the so-called “Cop City” project in Atlanta that has been the subject of protests.
But the controversial Atlanta project cost $90 million, a fraction of the proposed plans for the Baltimore facility. About $30 million of the Atlanta facility came from taxpayer funds, with the rest cobbled together from private donations.
Only $450,000 for the study has been expended thus far for the Coppin project. The design report addresses possible funding sources, including the suggestion of a possible “sunsetting public safety income tax” on residents. It also cites the Atlanta project as a “case study” in courting public support.
“The cost of this facility is a significant investment. However, the cost of doing nothing is exponentially more,” the report from architects Manns Woodward Studios concludes.
Gary McGuigan, an executive vice president with the Maryland Stadium Authority, said it was asked by Baltimore Mayor Brandon M. Scott to secure the project study and that it’s up to the city to figure out next steps.
“We put appropriate contingencies and escalation into these numbers, and, yeah, it’s a big number, but it’s a big building,” McGuigan said.
City Council President Nick Mosby has championed the project for nearly a decade. In a phone call Friday afternoon, Mosby reiterated his support for a police training facility in West Baltimore but declined to comment on the costs outlined by the Maryland Stadium Authority because he said he wasn’t familiar with the report.
Scott’s representatives could not be reached for comment Friday.
At Thursday’s quarterly meeting on the Baltimore Police consent decree, Deputy Commissioner Eric Melancon said officials are trying to determine funding sources. He described the project as a “tactical village,” which drew ire online.
Atlanta’s plans drew national attention and local protests, with activists saying the plans would further militarize police. Demonstrators occupied a campground on its site, and a protester was shot and killed by police as they moved in to make arrests. Other concerns include the destruction of forests to make way for the facility.
“Baltimore and Maryland leaders have seen all the controversy around Atlanta’s #StopCopCity and decided we need one too, at the expense of investing in prevention & roots causes of violence,” Nick Wilson, a former city public safety official now with the Center for American Progress, wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter.
Discussion of the Coppin facility dates to at least 2015, when Mosby, at the time a councilman representing West Baltimore, expressed a desire to see such a facility and sponsored a resolution calling for a feasibility study that passed easily through the council. Mosby said then that “a “state-of-the-art academy in West Baltimore that leverages Coppin’s current criminal justice school is a win-win situation.”
Then-Senate President Mike Miller and then-Mayor Catherine Pugh also threw their support behind it in 2018. “We’re working with Coppin State University because I’m going to double train police officers,” Pugh said while speaking at a community event. “I have got to have another training facility.”
U.S. District Judge James K. Bredar, who is overseeing the police consent decree reforms, also said in 2019 that building a new police training facility should be a top priority of city leaders and that the state should pitch in.
The Police Department training academy was located at a former school building just north of Pimlico Race Course. In 2019, amid discussion about moving the facility to Coppin, the city announced plans to relocate the academy to the University of Baltimore, at a cost of $6.8 million over five years, in addition to what The Baltimore Sun described at the time as “hundreds of thousands of dollars for parking and other fees associated with the move.”
Elected leaders including Antonio Hayes said at the time that they feared the University of Baltimore arrangement could come at the expense of the Coppin project, which he supported.
“It’s troubling to me, and it’s troubling to the community,” he said.
In May 2021, the Maryland Stadium Authority’s board of directors approved a memorandum of understanding to conduct a preliminary design of a new proposed Public Safety Building at Coppin State University.
Coppin State fully funded the design cost of $450,000 through a state grant. The stadium authority says the General Assembly has identified the new proposed Public Safety Building as a “priority project.”
Manns Woodward Studios won the contract to conduct the study in April 2022.
Their plan includes an indoor firing range and a “practical training village” that “combines the typical street widths found in Baltimore (alley, street, avenue) with the building typologies that the first responders will typically experience in Baltimore, such as two-story rowhomes, liquor stores, garden apartments, and a convenience store.”
“These buildings are modeled after real-world scenarios, enabling Fire and Police recruits to train independently and together,” the design plan says.
Also included is a community plaza where “local residents and university personnel can experience purposeful, positive interactions with first responders and alter preconceived perceptions.
“One of the significant challenges associated with this project will be to design an ‘Accessible Fortress’ that engages the community and keeps public safety personnel safe,” the study says.
Banner reporter Adam Willis contributed to this article.
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On 2 June, 1914, we lost our brother, Carroll E. Bond, to an on duty suicide. Turnkey Bond joined the Baltimore Police Department in 1900 as a patrolman. In 1911, while on a hunting trip with a fellow officer, he was shot in the face with a shotgun blast of birdshot. The tragic incident not only cost him his eye but also forced him to leave his role as a patrolman. As a turnkey, Bond's spirits dampened, and he grew increasingly melancholy. Eventually, on 2 June, 1914, he reached a breaking point and made a desperate decision. He went to the assembly area of the booking station, called out to his sergeant, and tragically ended his own life with a single gunshot to his right temple.
To see full size article click HERE or on the article above
To see full-size article, click HERE or on the article above
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If you have copies of: your Baltimore Police Department class photo; pictures of our officers, vehicles, and equipment; newspaper articles relating to our department and/or officers; old departmental newsletters; lookouts; wanted posters; or brochures. Information on deceased officers and anything that may help preserve the history and proud traditions of this agency. Please contact retired detective Kenny Driscoll.
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Maryland continues to follow common law principles on the use of force in self-defense, although there is a statute (discussed below) on the subject of immunity from civil lawsuits for the use of force to defend a home or a business.
In the case of Baltimore Transit Co. v. Faulkner, 179 Md. 598, 20 A.2d 485 (1941), which involved a civil lawsuit for assault and battery, the Court of Appeals of Maryland set forth the general common law principles of the doctrine of self-defense:
The law of self-defense justifies an act done in the reasonable belief of immediate danger. If an injury was done by a defendant in justifiable self-defense, he can neither be punished criminally nor held responsible for damages in a civil action. ... One who seeks to justify an assault on the ground that he acted in self-defense must show that he used no more force than the exigency reasonably demanded. The belief of a defendant in an action for assault that the plaintiff intended to do him bodily harm cannot support a plea of self-defense unless it was such a belief as a person of average prudence would entertain under similar circumstances. The jury should accordingly be instructed that to justify assault and battery in self-defense the circumstances must be such as would have induced a rea[s]onable man of average prudence to make such an assault in order to protect himself. The question whether the belief of the defendant that he was about to be injured was a reasonable one under all the circumstances is a question for the consideration of the jury.
The Court of Appeals said in the case that, even if the plaintiff had struck the defendant's employees first, the plaintiff would still be entitled to prevail in an action for battery if the defendant's employees, in repelling the plaintiff's acts, "used unreasonable and excessive force, meaning such force as prudent men would not have used under all the circumstances of the case." Id., 179 Md. at 600, 20 A.2d at 487.
The Use of Deadly Force in Self-Defense
Maryland also continues to follow common law principles on the issue of when one may use deadly force in self-defense. In the case of State v. Faulkner, 301 Md. 482, 485, 483 A.2d 759, 761 (1984), the Court of Appeals of Maryland summarized those principles, and stated that a homicide, other than felony murder, is justified on the ground of self-defense if the following criteria are satisfied:
(1) The accused must have had reasonable grounds to believe himself in apparent imminent or immediate danger of death or serious bodily harm from his assailant or potential assailant;
(2) The accused must have in fact believed himself in this danger;
(3) The accused claiming the right of self defense must not have been the aggressor or provoked the conflict;
(4) The force used must have not been unreasonable and excessive, that is, the force must not have been more force than the exigency demanded.
See also Roach v. State, 358 Md. 418, 429-30, 749 A.2d 787, 793 (2000).
In addition, when one is in one's home, one may use deadly force against an attacker if deadly force is necessary to prevent the attacker from committing a felony that involves the use of force, violence, or surprise (such as murder, robbery, burglary, rape, or arson). See Crawford v. State, 231 Md. 354, 190 A.2d 538 (1963).
Duty to Retreat and the Castle Doctrine
Maryland also follows the common law rule that, outside of one's home, a person, before using deadly force in self-defense, has the duty "'to retreat or avoid danger if such means were within his power and consistent with his safety.'" DeVaughn v. State, 232 Md. 447, 453, 194 A.2d 109, 112 (1963), cert. denied, 376 U.S. 527 (1964), quoting Bruce v. State, 218 Md. 87, 97, 145 A.2d 428, 433 (1958). See also Burch v. State, 346 Md. 253, 283, 696 A.2d 443, 458 (1997).
But a person does not have to retreat if it would not be safe for the person to do so. "[I]f the peril of the defendant was imminent, he did not have to retreat but had a right to stand his ground and to defend and protect himself." Bruce v. State, supra, 218 Md. at 97, 145 A.2d at 433.
The duty to retreat also does not apply if one is attacked in one's own home. "[A] man faced with the danger of an attack upon his dwelling need not retreat from his home to escape the danger, but instead may stand his ground and, if necessary to repel the attack, may kill the attacker." Crawford v. State, 231 Md. 354, 361, 190 A.2d 538, 541 (1963). The Court of Appeals said in Crawford, a case in which the defendant fatally shot a younger man who was attempting to break into his home to beat and rob him:
* * * A man is not bound to retreat from his house. He may stand his ground there and kill an[y] person who attempts to commit a felony therein, or who attempts to enter by force for the purpose of committing a felony, or of inflicting great bodily harm upon an inmate. In such a case the owner or any member of the family, or even a lodger in the house, may meet the intruder at the threshold, and prevent him from entering by any means rendered necessary by the exigency, even to the taking of his life, and the homicide will be justifiable.
This principle is known as the "Castle Doctrine", the name being derived from the view that "'a man's home is his castle' and his ultimate retreat." Barton v. State, 46 Md. App. 616, 618, 420 A.2d 1009, 1010-1011 (1980). A man "is not bound to flee and become a fugitive from his own home, for, if that were required, there would, theoretically, be no refuge for him anywhere in the world.".
A person does not have to be the owner of the home or the head of the household in order to be able to invoke the "Castle Doctrine." Instead, "any member of the household, whether or not he or she has a proprietary or leasehold interest in the property, is within its ambit. ... ".
However, even in one's own home, the degree of force used in self-defense must not be "excessive." Crawford v. State, supra, 231 Md. at 362, 190 A.2d at 542. Quoting a treatise on criminal law, the Court of Appeals said in Crawford:
It is a justifiable homicide to kill to prevent the commission of a felony by force or surprise.
The crimes in prevention of which life may be taken are such and only such as are committed by forcible means, violence, and surprise, such as murder, robbery, burglary, rape, or arson.
It is also essential that killing is necessary to prevent the commission of the felony in question. If other methods could prevent its commission, a homicide is not justified; all other means of preventing the crime must first be exhausted.
Burden of Proof on Self-Defense
Although self-defense is commonly called a "defense," a defendant who invokes self-defense in a criminal case in Maryland does not have the burden of proving that he or she acted in self-defense.
Instead, the defendant in a criminal case only has a burden of production on the issue of self-defense. This means that a defendant who wishes to invoke the doctrine only needs to "generate the issue" by introducing some evidence that he or she acted in self-defense. If the defendant satisfies that burden of production and thus generates the issue, then it is the prosecution that has the burden of proving that the defendant did not act in self-defense. In other words, once the defendant satisfies his or her burden of production on the issue of self-defense, then the prosecution has the burden of persuasion on the issue of self-defense.
If the defendant does not generate the issue of self-defense, then the prosecution does not have to prove that the defendant had not acted in self-defense.
The Court of Appeals of Maryland adopted these principles in the case of State v. Evans, 278 Md. 197, 207-08, 362 A.2d 629, 636 (1976). The Court said allocating the burdens of production and persuasion in this manner was required by the Supreme Court's decision in Mullaney v. Wilbur, 421 U.S. 684 (1975).
In civil cases, by contrast, self-defense remains a defense, meaning that the burden of proving its applicability is on the defendant. See Baltimore Transit Co. v. Faulkner, supra, 179 Md. at 600-01, 20 A.2d at 487.
Pattern Jury Instructions on Self-Defense in Criminal Cases
If the duty-to-retreat criterion is met, then the following self-defense criteria are examined, as contained within the Maryland Criminal Pattern Jury Instruction. Optional or alternate inclusions into the jury instruction are enclosed with < >. Phrases surrounded with () are substituted with specific instances of the case.
Self-defense (MPJI-Cr 5:07)
Self-defense is a defense, and the defendant must be found not guilty if all of the following three factors are present:
The defendant actually believed that <they> were in immediate and imminent danger of bodily harm.
The defendant's belief was reasonable.
The defendant used no more force than was reasonably necessary to defend <themselves> in light of the threatened or actual harm.
"Deadly-force is that amount of force reasonably calculated to cause death or serious bodily harm. If the defendant is found to have used deadly-force, it must be decided whether the use of deadly-force was reasonable. Deadly-force is reasonable if the defendant actually had a reasonable belief that the aggressor's force was or would be deadly and that the defendant needed a deadly-force response."
"In addition, before using deadly-force, the defendant is required to make all reasonable effort to retreat. The defendant does not have to retreat if the defendant was in <their> home, retreat was unsafe, the avenue of retreat was unknown to the defendant, the defendant was being robbed, the defendant was lawfully arresting the victim. If the defendant was found to have not used deadly-force, then the defendant had no duty to retreat."
Defense of Others (MPJI-Cr 5:01)
Defense of others is a defense, and the defendant must be found not guilty if all of the following four factors are present:
The defendant actually believed that the person defended was in immediate and imminent danger of bodily harm.
The defendant's belief was reasonable.
The defendant used no more force than was reasonably necessary to defend the person defended in light of the threatened or actual force.
The defendant's purpose in using force was to aid the person defended.
Defense of Habitation - Deadly Force (MPJI-Cr 5:02)
Defense of one's home is a defense, and the defendant must be found not guilty if all of the following three factors are present:
The defendant actually believed that (suspect) was committing <was just about to commit> the crime of (crime) in <at> the defendant's home.
The defendant's belief was reasonable.
The defendant used no more force than was reasonably necessary to defend against the conduct of (victim).
Defense of Property - Nondeadly Force (MPJI-Cr 5:02.1)
Defense of property is a defense, and the defendant must be found not guilty if all of the following three factors are present:
The defendant actually believed that (suspect) was unlawfully interfering <was just about to unlawfully interfere> with property.
The defendant's belief was reasonable.
The defendant used no more force than was reasonably necessary to defend against the victim's interference with the property.
"A person may not use deadly force to defend <his> <her> property. Deadly force is that amount of force reasonably calculated to cause death or serious bodily harm."
Pattern Jury Instructions on Self-Defense in Civil Cases
Persons are not responsible for assault or battery if they were defending themselves, other persons, their property or their employer's property, so long as they used only such force as was reasonably necessary to protect themselves, other persons, their property, or their employer's property from actual attack or threat of imminent harm. Threat of imminent harm does not mean that one must wait until the other person makes the first move.
b. Use of Deadly Force
A person may use deadly force only as a last resort. The person must reasonably believe that he or she or a third person was in immediate danger of serious bodily harm and that there was no other reasonable means of defense or ability to escape.
Civil Immunity
While the use of force in self-defense may be justifiable, the person defending himself or herself still runs the risk of being sued by the attacker for monetary damages. In 2010, the Maryland General Assembly passed, and Governor Martin O'Malley signed, a bill to address this issue and to provide for an immunity to such civil lawsuits in certain cases in which a person used force, including deadly force, to defend his or her home or business. The statute — § 5-808 of the Courts and Judicial Proceedings Article of the Maryland Code — provides as follows:
(a) In this section, "person" does not include a governmental entity.
(b) A person is not liable for damages for a personal injury or death of an individual who enters the person's dwelling or place of business if:
(1) The person reasonably believes that force or deadly force is necessary to repel an attack by the individual; and (2) The amount and nature of the force used by the person is reasonable under the circumstances.
(c) Subsection (b) of this section does not apply to a person who is convicted of a crime of violence under § 14-101 of the Criminal Law Article, assault in the second degree, or reckless endangerment arising out of the circumstances described in subsection (b) of this section.
(d) The court may award costs and reasonable attorney's fees to a defendant who prevails in a defense under this section.
(e) This section does not limit or abrogate any immunity from civil liability or defense available to a person under any other provision of the Code or at common law.
The statute essentially codifies the common law rule of self-defense. It is arguable that the statute makes the "Castle Doctrine" applicable to actions committed to defend a person's business. But the statute is not entirely clear on that point, because of its requirement that the force be "reasonable under the circumstances" and the absence of specific language saying that the defendant may stand his or her ground in the business. Importantly, the statute also provides that, if a defendant prevails in a defense under the statute, then the court "may" order the plaintiff to pay the defendant's costs and reasonable attorney's fees. The statute further provides that the immunity which it creates does not apply if the defendant had been convicted of certain criminal charges in connection with the incident.
By its terms, the statute does not apply to criminal prosecutions.
The General Assembly enacted the statute nine years after an incident that occurred on the night of March 19, 2001, in which one or both of the co-owners of a cement company in Glyndon, Maryland opened fire on three intruders on the company's premises, killing one of them and wounding the other two. The company's premises had also been burglarized the two previous nights, and the two co-owners (who were brothers) were staying overnight at the business to guard it. In February 2004, the estate and young son of the deceased intruder sued the two brothers and their company for damages. According to online records of the Maryland court system, the plaintiffs dropped the lawsuit on January 28, 2005. It is not stated in the online records whether or not the case was settled.
Within days of the shooting in 2001, bills were introduced in each of the two chambers of the General Assembly to shield business owners from civil lawsuits for deadly force against a person "who unlawfully and forcefully enters" the business. The state Senate passed its bill, but the House of Delegates took no action on the measure or on the bill that had been introduced in the House. In 2004, 2005, 2008, and 2009, the House of Delegates passed bills on the subject, but none of the bills made it out of committee in the state Senate. The statute that the General Assembly enacted in 2010 had wording that was different from the language of the prior bills.
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